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1.
从理论与实践的结合上,批判了“熟知当真知”的习惯思维定势,这种定势表现在临床诊断中,为第一印象所迷惑,以强掩弱,以偏盖全,只触及事物外表,不能触及事物本质,求全责备只有克服了这些方面,才能把“真知”成了“熟知”。  相似文献   

2.
先秦儒学史上,《中庸》对"过之"问题的强调,以及对由此引出的"真知"问题的处理,从根本上确立了心性论在儒学中的地位.宋明时代,《论语》、《大学》、《中庸》、《孟子》几经遴选最终脱颖而出,成为平起平坐的圣人之书.朱熹于"四书"之中最重《大学》.《大学章句》既是对《大学》的注释,同时也是在系统阐述朱子本人所服膺的修身之道.然而,《大学章句》在借用《中庸》、《孟子》的"性"概念时,几乎完全忽略了与之相应的"过之"与"真知"问题.顺此继续追踪,我们发现,《大学章句》虽设定了"仁义礼智之性",但实际上并未将其作为修身的出发点.在对"过之"与"真知"问题缺乏深刻体会的情况下,《大学章句》试图以"格物致知"作为获取真知的途径.然而,"格物致知"所蕴含的怀疑精神,最终却使实践者陷入了"不知该如何格致"的"出发点丧失"困境.  相似文献   

3.
本文尝试通过对朱子"真知"概念的内容和结构的分析,说明"真知"概念所包含的动机效力,并藉由T.Nagel的理论,回应休谟式问题(Humean problem)的诘难。依朱子,"知而不能行"只是浅知,而真知则必能行;一个人在特定情境下对何为最好的知道得越深,他就越可能依其判断去行动,当一个人之知达到了最高程度,他便完全会依知而行。这种知(真知)不仅是对所当然之则之知,也是对所以然之理之知,而这种所以然之理原在自家身心上,经由反省体验而得,因而是具有在道德行动中如此而不如彼的动机效力。  相似文献   

4.
军事生物技术的"生物政治"问题研究   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
现代生物技术在军事领域的广泛应用,触及安全、伦理、法律等诸多问题.为寻找其共性,寻求共同解决机制,引入"生物政治"概念,并分析了军事生物技术领域"生物政治"涉及的多样性主体、生物政治关注的若干问题,以及就某些热点问题进行评述.旨在为生物科技时代,生物技术在军事领域的研究和应用提供有益探索.  相似文献   

5.
《周易》经传"行"字字义分析   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
本文乃就《易经》及《易传》中的"行"字,分别探究其用法、涵义,结果发现"行"字在《易经》卦爻辞中的意义,大致是以道路、行走为核心,引申出行为、行动、施行等意义。而到了《易传》的"行"字则不仅进而引申有德行、运行、流行及抽象的道路等义,且出现"天行"、"志行"、"上行"等语词,而触及了天道、阴阳关系、事理顺逆等抽象的思维,等于向形上学再跨出了一步。由此可以证明《易传》对于《易经》的思想既有所继承又有所发展,故唯有将经传比合而观,探究二者内在的关系,才能切实掌握从《易经》到《易传》之发展、演变脉络。  相似文献   

6.
作品的命运在很大程度上取决于社会的需要,正如福柯所言,任何话语/实践实际上都必须以非话语/实践为前提并受它的制约.著作(话语/实践)必然在非著作(非话语/实践)的背景下才能获得其成功的机遇.在被吉登斯誉为社会学界"经典的三雄"中,马克思最为国人推崇与熟知,但我们不可忘记,马克思主义理论登陆中国,与当时革命救亡的实践不无关系;时代迁移,韦伯凭借他对民族国家现代化过程中理性化吊诡现象的精辟诊断以及对中国问题的直接切入,一度在中国燃起了"韦伯热";现在该是对"涂尔干遗产"进行清理的时候了.  相似文献   

7.
徐嘉 《学海》2007,(6):67-71
虽然卢梭是18世纪法国启蒙运动的重要代表,但是,当其他启蒙思想家对理性、文明、科学、进步充满赞美时,卢梭却在《论科学与艺术》中敏锐地觉察到了被神化的科学理性所隐含的危险,揭示了科学的进步与道德风尚之间的深刻矛盾.尽管他对科学伤风败俗的指责并不严谨,但却以"伦理的理性主义"的视角触及了启蒙时代的重要问题.这不但成为他后来学说的出发点,也开启了启蒙运动对唯科学主义的自我反思.  相似文献   

8.
就哲学理论的探讨而言,张岱年之哲学思想体系大致可以分为四个部分:一为"一本多级"之物本论;二为"真知三表"之经验论;三为"充生以达理"之人生论;四为"文化综合创新论"。它们呈现出张岱年哲学体系的主干,故亦可以成为其哲学体系的框架。  相似文献   

9.
赵江海 《美与时代》2004,6(12):9-10
克莱夫·贝尔提出的"有意味的形式",在一定程度上触及到了艺术美的本质,但是其唯心主义立场又使他难摆脱自身的局限。在对艺术实践的考察中,要批判地运用这一观点。  相似文献   

10.
意志软弱是东西方道德哲学讨论中的重要问题。在儒家哲学中,朱子对此问题的阐发意义重大。朱子认为,真知不仅指向知的广度和深刻感,也内含了一种经由心所认可并落实在具体道德践履中的真实确信,所谓真知必能行;而意志软弱则是常人未能"真知"地落实道德实践所造成的知行不一现象,格致诚正等工夫修养则有助于常人涵养圣凡无二的道德动机结构,使其保持良好的动机状态,从而克服意志软弱。但是,朱子对意志软弱的分析缺乏对理论前提自明性的合理解释,也未能为自觉的道德行为提供充分的动力。  相似文献   

11.
Arkowitz H 《The American psychologist》2005,60(7):731; author reply 734-731; author reply 735
Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.  相似文献   

12.
The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.  相似文献   

13.
白刚 《学海》2005,1(4):116-121
形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".  相似文献   

14.
什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。  相似文献   

15.
Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.  相似文献   

16.
何艳玲 《学海》2003,(5):96-104
论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意  相似文献   

17.
谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…  相似文献   

18.
19.
"Us" and "Them":     
Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.  相似文献   

20.
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