Contrapower Sexual Harassment: A Survey of Students and Faculty Members

We conducted two studies to shed light on contrapower sexual harassment in an academic setting. In the first study, we surveyed a random sample of 158 college students (83.4% White) concerning their potentially sexually harassing behaviors toward professors, sexist attitudes toward women, and proclivities to harass sexually. Almost one third of the students reported having sexually harassed a professor at least once. Male students were more likely than female students to be the perpetrators. In the second study, all tenured and tenure-track faculty were mailed a survey; 209 professors (88.9% White) completed the survey concerning their experiences with sexual harassment from students as well as their coping responses, definitions of sexual harassment, and reactions to hypothetical scenarios. Over one half of the professors reported having been at least once sexually harassed by students. Although male and female professors experienced similar rates of sexual harassment from students, the psychological outcome was worse for women than for men. Male and female professors defined sexual harassment similarly. However, when more contextual information was provided in the hypothetical scenarios, several gender differences emerged. In addition, men and women used both internal and external coping responses to different types of sexual harassment. Sexual harassment as both a tool and a result of male dominance in society is discussed.     

The sexual harassment of uppity women

In 3 studies, the author tested 2 competing views of sexual harassment: (a) It is motivated primarily by sexual desire and, therefore, is directed at women who meet feminine ideals, and (b) it is motivated primarily by a desire to punish gender-role deviants and, therefore, is directed at women who violate feminine ideals. Study 1 included male and female college students (N = 175) and showed that women with relatively masculine personalities (e.g., assertive, dominant, and independent) experienced the most sexual harassment. Study 2 (N = 134) showed that this effect was not because women with relatively masculine personalities were more likely than others to negatively evaluate potentially harassing scenarios. Study 3 included male and female employees at 5 organizations (N = 238) and showed that women in male-dominated organizations were harassed more than women in female-dominated organizations, and that women in male-dominated organizations who had relatively masculine personalities were sexually harassed the most.     

Poisoned Waters: Sexual Harassment and the College Climate

This study of 369 undergraduate students (59%female and 41% male, 4.7% African-American, 2%Latino/a-American, 3.6% International, and 88%White-American) found that both women and men weresexually harassed by faculty and other students with a similarlyhigh frequency. More subtle forms of sexually harassingbehaviors were experienced than were the more severebehaviors from both faculty and students. A greater tolerance for sexually harassing behaviors fromfaculty than peers was found. While more women than menused the label sexual harassment, few students of eithergender who experienced specific harassing behaviors said they had experiencedinappropriate behavior, and of those who said they hadexperienced inappropriate behavior, a very lowpercentage said they had experienced sexual harassment.It is hypothesized that the frequency of these behaviors is partlyresponsible for the lack of labeling.     

Individual Difference Correlates of the Experience of Sexual Harassment Among Female University Students1

Individuals often report experiences that conform to objective definitions of sexual harassment, but rarely report the subjective perception that they have been sexually harassed. The present research proposed that individual difference factors may mediate this commonly observed discrepancy. It was hypothesized that erotophobia, sexual inexperience, youth, sex role traditionality, repressing defensive style, and need for social approval have a weak inhibitory effect on reports of objectively defined experiences of sexual harassment, but a strong inhibitory effect on subjective perceptions that one has been sexually harassed. Results showed that individual difference factors including erotophobia, repressing defenses, and need for social approval were associated with fewer reported objective experiences of sexual harassment, while the base rate of subjective perception that one had been sexually harassed was very low, and this subjective perception was generally unassociated with individual difference factors. Discussion focuses on individual difference characteristics and motivation to ignore or to fail to report objective experiences of sexual harassment, and on suggestions for further research into the very high base rate of objectively defined experiences of sexual harassment and the very low base rate of perceived sexual harassment.     

Sexual harassment of university students

The sexual harassment of junior, senior, and graduate student women and men by male and female professors, graduate assistants, and staff was investigated to determine students' personal experiences in the classroom, outside the classroom, and in job-related settings. Usable survey responses were returned by 393 students, and incidents were detailed by 38 women and 9 men who noted their responses to the harassment and its effects. Attitudes toward and acceptance of sexually harassing behaviors were measured by a 10-item Tolerance for Sexual Harassment Inventory (TSHI). The frequency of initiation of sexual behaviors was also assessed. More women than men reported being sexually harassed. Male and female perceptions of classroom behaviors were in agreement for most items. Men and women differed significantly on the TSHI, with men more tolerant of sexual harassment than women, and highly significant age differences were found, indicating a greater acceptance of sexual harassment by younger students. There was little difference between male and female students in the frequency of their initiating sexual behaviors. The TSHI was assessed; reliability coefficients and a factor analysis are presented.This research was supported by a grant from the College of Arts and Sciences. We are grateful to Betty Jones and Joan Bentley for their secretarial assistance.     

The role of cosmetics in attributions about sexual harassment

The purpose of this study was to investigate the effect of cosmetics use on attributions concerning the likelihood of provoking sexual harassment and of being sexually harassed. Subjects were 85 female and 76 male undergraduate volunteers. The study was a 3×2 between-subjects design with three levels of cosmetics use (heavy, moderate, no cosmetics) and two levels of sex of subject (male, female). Each subject viewed one of three colored photographs of a model wearing either heavy, moderate, or no cosmetics, and then indicated how likely the model was to provoke sexual harassment and to be sexually harassed. Data were analyzed using analyses of variance and the Newman-Keuls test. When the model wore heavy cosmetics, she was rated as more likely to provoke sexual harassment than when she wore moderate cosmetics. Similarly, when the model wore moderate cosmetics, she was rated as significantly more likely to provoke sexual harassment than when she was not wearing cosmetics. When the model wore either heavy or moderate cosmetics, she was also rated as more likely to be sexually harassed than when she did not wear cosmetics. In addition, male subjects rated the model as more likely to provoke and to be sexually harassed than did female subjects. Results are discussed in terms of sex role spillover.     

Effects of Type of Coping Response,Setting, and Social Context on Reactions to Sexual Harassment

Male and female undergraduates from a multicultural university (MU) and an historically Black University (HBU) read a scenario in which a student was sexually harassed either by a professor or a workplace supervisor. The student victim's coping response was also varied. Participants rated the victim's behavior as most effective and appropriate when she confronted the harasser directly or reported the harasser's behavior. HBU students judged the harasser as not guilty significantly more often than MU students, but believed that the harasser was less trustworthy than multicultural students did. Women responded significantly more negatively to the blatant sexual harassment scenario than men did. Implications for prevention and interventions are discussed.     

Sexual harassment experiences and equal opportunity perceptions of Navy women

In 1989, the Navy began tracking the sexual harassment rates among its officer and enlisted personnel by administering the Navy Equal Opportunity Sexual Harassment (NEOSH) Survey on a biennial basis. While previous reports on the results of the NEOSH Survey have discussed the occurrence, frequency, and effects of sexual harassment in the Navy [A. L. Culbertson, P. Rosenfeld, and C. E. Newell (1993) Sexual Harassment in the Active-Duty Navy: Findings from the Navy-Wide Survey (TR-94-2), San Diego, CA: Navy Personnel Research and Development Center], this study examines whether victims of sexual harassment differ in their perceptions of equal opportunity (EO) climate from those who have not been harassed. Data from the 1991 NEOSH Survey were reanalyzed. Sixty-seven percent of the women officers were White, 25% African-American, and 18% Hispanic. Of the women enlisted, 52% were White, 31% African-American, and 18% Hispanic. The results indicated that women who were sexually harassed perceived that there was less EO in the Navy than women who had not been harassed. This was true for both officer and enlisted personnel. In addition, specific organizational consequences of sexual harassment were identified.The opinions expressed in this paper are those of the authors, are not official and do not necessarily represent the views of the Navy Department.     

Assessment of Sexual Harassment in the Active-Duty Navy

This article reviews past research and the series of events that led to the implementation in 1989 of a biennial U.S. Navy-wide survey of sexual harass- ment for active-duty personnel. Results from the most recent administration of this survey in 1991 are presented and compared to the 1989 findings. In 1991, 44% of enlisted women and 33% of female officers indicated that they had been sexually harassed during the 1-year survey period. Small percentages of en- listed men (8%) and male officers (2%) reported being sexually harassed during the same period. These percentages represent a significant increase from those found in 1989 for two groups: female officers and enlisted men. Specific information regarding the forms of sexual harassment behaviors, the character- istics of victims and perpetrators, actions taken following harassment, and the effects of the harassment experience are presented. Last, data exploring meth- odological issues in the measurement of sexual harassment through surveys are presented and discussed.     

A Model of Racialized Sexual Harassment of Women in the UK Workplace

This paper examines Black Asian and Minority Ethnic (BAME) women’s experiences of sexual harassment in the UK workplace from the perspective of frequency and types of sexual harassment and characteristics of the harasser; ethnic and cultural influences; power, fear of reprisals, and reporting behavior. Using a snowballing technique, in depth interviews with 17 BAME women who had experienced or witnessed BAME sexual harassment reported that they were frequently sexually harassed by men from the same ethnic background. The fear of job loss, reprisals from male family members and negative organizational consequences resulted in over three quarters of the women not reporting incidents. Key questions regarding the factors and influences that are inherent in racialized sexual harassment are integrated into a model.     

Psychological Consequences for High School Students of Having Been Sexually Harassed

The psychological and educational consequences of sexual harassment for high school students were investigated in two studies. Both studies involved a modified survey originally designed for the American Association of University Women (1993). In Study 1, which involved 760 male and 779 female high school students (mainly 16- to 19-year-olds), we compared the behaviors and attitudes of (a) students who had recently been harassed and were upset by it, and (b) students who had not been harassed. Harassment led to several negative psychological and educational consequences rather than to a general stress reaction. Consequences varied with the type of harassment experienced. In Study 2, we surveyed 30 male and 67 female university students who were enrolled in a 1st year psychology course. We found that current doubt about romantic relations was associated with two types of harassment experienced during high school. Thus, some specific consequences of harassment might be long-lasting.     

Acknowledging Sexual Harassment: A Test of Alternative Models

Few victims of sexual harassment acknowledge that their experience constitutes sexual harassment. In this study, we examined five general models gleaned from the literature on observers' or laypersons' perceptions of sexual harassment to examine their efficacy in explaining victims' acknowledgment processes: type-of-harassing experience; personal characteristics of the target/observer; and affective consequences of the event(s), attributions, and power (status) of the offender. Data were collected in a campus-wide survey of students, faculty, and staff at a large midwestern university (N = 1,147), which measured incidence rates of eight forms of sexual harassment and the situational characteristics of, responses to, and consequences of the most dramatic experience. Results from single-model and multiple-model hierarchical logistic regression analyses partially support each of the models. The following general model emerged: Individuals who experience unwanted sexual attention are more likely than others to acknowledge being sexually harassed if (a) they perceived their experience as part of a larger problem in their environment, (b) they had a strong emotional reaction to it, (c) the perpetrator was a superior, (d) they were sensitive to the issue of sexual harassment (e.g., they were women instead of men). However, differences in this pattern emerged across various subsamples. This research warrants further theoretical development on victimization acknowledgment processes.     

Factors Associated with Peer Sexual Harassment Victimization Among Taiwanese Adolescents

This study examined the individual and interpersonal factors of peer sexual harassment victimization among Taiwanese adolescents. A random sample of 1,376 7th to 9th grade middle school students in Taichung City, Taiwan, completed questionnaires about their demographics, delinquency, peer/teacher interaction, and experience of being sexually harassed by peers. Approximately 25.4% of the respondents had suffered peer sexual harassment during the previous semester. Boys reported more exposure to sexual harassment than did girls. Multivariate logistic regression analyses were performed separately for boys and girls. Significant risk factors of peer sexual harassment victimization for both genders included being bullied by peers and teacher maltreatment. Boys’ sexual harassment victimization was also associated with their involvement in fights. Peer relationship problems contributed to girls’ sexual harassment victimization. These findings suggested the relevance of a hostile school climate to peer sexual harassment and the gender differences in risk factors.     

Ideology or experience: A study of sexual harassment

“Ideology or Experience” is a replication and redefinition of a study done at the University of Prince Edward Island (UPEI), Canada, which examined response biases with respect to the reporting of sexual harassment. In the replication, 192 William Paterson College (WPC), New Jersey, students were used to investigate the role of ideology and previous sexual harassment experiences in reporting sexual harassment incidents. Both studies assessed the relationship between one's experiences, perceptions, and attitudes toward sexual harassment. The WPC study, however, overcame acknowledged potential reporting biases by using face to face scale distribution rather than mailed questionnaires. Findings replicate most of the previous study and suggest that neither the experience of being sexually harassed nor a feminist ideology affects the reporting of sexual harassment. A gender by experience interaction was found with regard to tolerance of sexual harassment suggesting potential differences in cultural, and/or gender, attitudes toward sexual harassment. Further analysis, redefining the experience variable, as suggested by Mazer and Percival, also supports the notion that experience does not affect the reporting of sexual harassment.     

The Influence of Peer Interactions on Sexually Oriented Joke Telling

Although the negative consequences and prevalence rates of sexual imposition are widely known through self-report surveys, currently there are few laboratory paradigms to examine the determinants of this type of behavior, especially peer sexual harassment. The purpose of the present study was to examine the effects of two types of peer interactions on peer sexual harassment among college students using a laboratory paradigm of sexually oriented joke telling as an analogue of sexual harassment. Results from two different experiments revealed an effect of type of peer interaction on sexually oriented joke telling. In Experiment 1, male college students, who were exposed to a male peer who modeled sexually harassing behavior, subsequently told significantly more sexually oriented jokes to an unknown female peer than did male students exposed to a male peer who modeled nonsexually harassing behavior. In Experiment 2, male college students, who were exposed to a male peer who was seemingly sexist in his interaction with them, subsequently told significantly more sexually oriented jokes to an unknown female peer than did male students exposed to a male peer who was seemingly nonsexist in his interactions with them. These results suggest that peer interactions may serve as a disinhibiting situational factor of sexually harassing behaviors perpetrated by male college students on female peers. The results also provide further validity for the use of a laboratory paradigm for the study of peer sexual harassment.     

The influence of sexual harassment frequency and perceptions of organizational justice on victim responses to sexual harassment

Organizational justice theory was used to understand the conditions that influence how women respond when sexually harassed. Specifically, this study examined whether sexual harassment frequency interacts with perceptions of four types of organizational justice (procedural, distributive, interpersonal, and informational) to predict two types of victim responses (confrontation and reporting). With data collected from 257 female employees, it was found that the interaction between sexual harassment frequency and perceptions of distributive justice and the interaction between sexual harassment frequency and perceptions of procedural justice predicted reporting, whereas the interaction between sexual frequency and perceptions of distributive justice predicted confrontation. The interaction between sexual harassment frequency and perceptions of informational justice predicted both confrontation and reporting. Implications for organizations are discussed.     

SEXUAL HARASSMENT ON CAMPUS

Attitudes about sexual harassment were assessed in a group of 224 undergraduate students. Participants responded to scenarios in which a male professor made inappropriate sexual advances to a female student. Participants then completed rating scales and questions concerning attributions of blame for harassment, educational and emotional effects, and strategies for coping with harassment. The students were divided into high and low groups on the basis of their scores on the Performance Self-Esteem Scale (PSES) and Attitudes toward Women Scale (AWS). The subject groups most tolerant of harassment and least aware of potential harm to its victims were high self-esteem women with traditional sex-role attitudes. Participants also provided information as to their own harassment experiences. Women's reported reactions to actual harassment were consistent with their responses to scenarios. Results are discussed in the context of prevailing sex-role standards.     

Right-Wing Authoritarianism and Social Dominance Orientation in a Canadian Military Sample

The Sexual Experiences Questionnaire (SEQ) was administered to 1,060 male and 305 female soldiers from combat support and combat service support units in the U.S. Army. Eighty-four percent of women and 74% of men experienced at least 1 of the behaviors listed in the SEQ during the previous year. However, only 30% of women and 8% of men acknowledged having been sexually harassed in the same time period. Men who experienced SEQ behaviors were less likely to acknowledge harassment than women who experienced these behaviors. The 3 SEQ subscales—gender harassment, unwanted sexual attention, and coercion—were examined as predictors of organizational commitment, turnover wish, the perception of sexual harassment as a personal and work-unit problem, and as predictors of acknowledged harassment. The more serious behaviors were more likely to be acknowledged as harassment than the milder behaviors when the type of behavior was defined as either present or absent. On the other hand, when milder behaviors occurred frequently, they were the main predictors of the perception of sexual harassment as a personal and work-unit problem. Sexual harassment predicted turnover wish and Army commitment for male soldiers only.     

Faith-Based Organizations: Sexual Harassment and Health in Accra-Tema Metropolis

Sexual harassment occurs frequently in many faith-based organizations (FBOs). This study investigated whether sexual harassment in FBOs was a public health concern in Ghana. A cross-sectional exploratory approach was used to assess the prevalence and incidence of traditional or contrapower sexual harassment in FBOs. We also investigated the correlation between sexual harassment and health. Respondents completed a self-administered open-ended questionnaire in an anonymous survey about sexual harassment during the 12 months preceding the study. We hypothesized that both traditional and contrapower harassment were prevalent in FBOs of Ghana and also that the health effects were the same for both sexes in both forms of harassment. The two hypotheses were generally supported. We found that sexual harassment is a public health concern. Women were more likely to be sexually harassed (73%) than men were (27%). Sexual harassment negatively affects the victims’ health outcome. Secondly, both the traditional and contrapower forms of sexual harassment were prevalent in FBOs in Ghana. The health consequences of sexual harassment in Ghana are the same as in an industrialized country. The implications for policy and research are discussed.