Personal Uniqueness and Events

Human Studies - In contrast to Anglophone debates on personal identity initially formed by John Locke’s investigation of personal identity in the sense of personal continuity or persistence...     

Contrasting Memory for Temporal-Source and Memory for Content in Children's Discrimination of Repeated Events

The current studies examined the separate roles that memory of temporal-source and memory of content play in children's discrimination of occurrences of a repeated event. The studies were also designed to determine the impact of age and retention interval on each of these components. In Experiment One, 4- to 5- versus 6- to 8-year-old children experienced six occurrences of a repeated event; each occurrence had the same underlying structure; however, a different version or instantiation of each item was included in each occurrence of the event. At either 1 or 6 week delay, the children were asked to recall which instantiation of the item was included in the final occurrence. In Experiment Two, children were required to recall as many instantiations as they could, prior to making a decision about which instantiation was included in the final occurrence. The results indicated that: (a) children's capacity to correctly identify the final instantiation declined over time and increased with age; (b) children's capacity to provide an instantiation that was temporally close to the final occurrence declined over time and increased with age; and (c) children's ability to remember the source of an instantiation decreased over time irrespective of any loss of memory for content. The results were discussed in relation to current theories of memory and children's eyewitness memory. © 1997 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Memory for the Events of Early Childhood

There has been much recent interest in the phenomenon of childhood amnesia, the difficulty most adults have in recalling at least the first 3 years of life. In contrast, it has been shown that infants 18 months of age or less can retain information over long periods. Although there is no agreed-upon explanation of this paradoxical phenomenon, there are proposed biological, cognitive, and social-cognitive explanations. Distinguishing among these accounts involves investigating both adults' memories for childhood events and the mnemonicabilities of young children. These studies may not only reveal the reason why our earliest years are shrouded from us as adults, but also shed light on the memory processes that allow us a rich representation of the remainder of our personal past.     

Working Memory for Temporal and Nontemporal Events in Monkeys

This is the first report that introduces appropriate behavioral tasks for monkeys for investigations of working memory for temporal and nontemporal events. Using several behavioral tests, the study also shows how temporal information is coded during retention intervals in the tasks. Each of three monkeys was trained with two working memory tasks: delayed matching-to-sample of stimulus duration (DMS-D) and delayed matching-to-sample of stimulus color (DMS-C). The two tasks employed an identical apparatus and responses and differed only in the temporal and nontemporal attribute of the stimuli to be retained for correct performance. When a retention interval between the sample and comparison stimuli was prolonged, the monkeys made more incorrect responses to short samples in the DMS-C task, suggesting “trace decay” of memory for short stimuli. However, the same monkeys showed no such increase in incorrect responses to short samples in the DMS-D task, suggesting active coding of temporal information, that is, the length of stimulus duration, during the retention interval. When variable lengths of samples were presented with a fixed retention interval, the monkeys made more incorrect responses when length differences between short and long samples were small in the DMS-D task, but not in the DMS-C task. This suggests that the codes of working memory retained in the DMS-D task were not absolute (analogical) but rather were relative (categorical) and related to differences in the duration of the samples.     

Multiple Organisations of Events in Memory

Theories of memory organisation propose that activity knowledge organises autobiographical memory globally. According to these views, memories that share a participant, location, or time are only organised together if they also share an activity. If they do not, they are nested within their respective activity organisations locally rather than being organised together globally. Two experiments that assessed people's clustering of laboratory events consistently obtained findings that contradict this view. Both experiments found that people organise event memories globally in non-activity clusters, cross-classify events into multiple organisations, and pivot between activity and non-activity clusters. Consistent with studies of naturalistic events, these studies of laboratory events indicate that people crossclassify event memories simultaneously into multiple global organisations.     

Memory for Intratrial Events in Learning Disjunctive Concepts: Implications for Hypothesis-Testing Models

The present experiment was designed to further investigate the adequacy of hypothesis-testing models to account for how concepts are acquired. Disjunctive concept formation tasks were administered to 75 college students to examine predictions of hypothesis-testing theory concerning memory for intratrial events. The different events explored were hypotheses, responses, feedback, and stimuli. A 4 × 4 × 3 within-subjects design was employed in which question type, number of intratrial events recalled, and percentage of trials with memory probe were the factors. A major finding was the failure of students to recall the hypothesis stated on previous trials, under certain conditions, which contradicts predictions based on hypothesis-testing theories. Implications for opposing frequency theory are discussed.     

Memory for Unconsciously Perceived Events: Evidence from Anesthetized Patients

Studies investigating memory for events during anesthesia show a confusing pattern of positive and negative results. To establish whether there are any consistent patterns of findings across studies, we conducted a meta-analysis of the data from 2517 patients in 44 studies. The meta-analysis included two measures of the effects of positive suggestions on postoperative recovery: (a) the duration of postoperative hospitalization and (b) the amount of morphine administered via patient-controlled anesthesia, as well as two measures of memory for specific information presented during anesthesia: (c) direct tests and (d) indirect tests. The meta-analysis indicated that positive suggestions presented during anesthesia have little or no effect on postoperative recovery. On the other hand, the meta-analysis showed that specific information is remembered following surgery, as long as testing is not delayed longer than 36 h. Studies of memory for events during anesthesia provide a useful avenue for exploring unconscious cognition.     

The Role of Typical and Atypical Events in Story Memory

To understand how viewers or readers process and remember media narratives such as entertainment, news, and information is critical to our understanding of the mental processing of television and other media. Media stories contain both typical and atypical events and people, but little is known about how readers or viewers process and remember these two types of information. Participants in 2 experiments remembered atypical story items much better even a week later. However, the conservative way they treated atypical memories could give the illusion that typical items are better remembered than they really are. The results have implications for both mass media theory and theories of memory.     

Events That Increase Uncertainty in Personal Relationships II Replication and Extension

Events that change relational knowledge were investigated because they have theoretical implications for uncertainty reduction and relational cognition and they have important consequences in terms of personal trauma and relational damage. Data were gathered in ways that corrected major problems in earlier studies, results were compared between two studies, and hypotheses about differences were tested. Additional information was also gathered concerning how often such events occurred, what led up to them, attributions about causes, coping strategies, and how the experience was viewed in hindsight. The results indicated that although the emotional and cognitive effects of the events were nearly as strong as found in earlier studies, the effects on relationships were not as negative. Other findings and their implications for uncertainty reduction theory and existing models of schema change were also discussed.     

Generation Identity and the Reminiscence Bump: Memory for Public and Private Events

Participants ranging in age from 30 to 70 years free-recalled when they had learned public and private items of news. When responses were plotted in terms of age of participant at time of encoding, it was found that peak recall for public items of news was in the period when participants were aged 10 to 19 years whereas peak recall of private items of news occurred in the period when participants were aged 20 to 29 years. A second study confirmed this pattern of an early reminiscence bump for public news. It is proposed that these two components of the reminiscence bump reflect, respectively, a period of formation of generation identity in the second decade of life and a period of formation of intimate relationships in the third decade.     

Children''s Memory and Source Monitoring of Real-Life and Televised Events

It is theoretically and practically important to know whether children confuse memories of different events to which they have been exposed. In two studies, children aged 4 and 10 years watched two related events; one event was live and the other was a video recording. Half of the children watched a video that was similar to the live event, and the remaining children watched a video that was dissimilar. One week later, children in the similar condition confused the two events more than those in the different condition when freely recalling (Experiments 1 and 2) and in response to focused questions (Experiment 1). The 10-year olds reported more information than the 4-year olds and were more accurate overall, confusing the events less than the 4-year olds. When the events were presented 1 day after each other (Experiment 2), the reports were more inaccurate than when the events were separated by a 2-day interval, but this did not affect the number of times the events were confused. The results suggest that mere exposure to similar events in different media can contaminate memories, and the findings are discussed in relation to children's source monitoring and eyewitness memory.     

Memory for Early Life Events: Consistency of Retrieval of Memories Over a One-year Interval

Adults who had previously answered questions about a sibling's birth experienced when they were 2 or 3 years old were asked the same question again after a oneyear interval. The results showed considerable consistency in reported memories. The majority of answers given on the second occasion provided substantially the same information as on the first occasion. However, those who were only just 2 years old when their sibling was born recalled less information overall and showed less consistency in their answers. A second group of adults was asked for a second time about a family birth for which they could have no memory. They also produced answers that were consistent with those given before, but there was no age effect in the consistency of their responses. The implications of these patterns of consistency are discussed.     

Personal Strivings, Daily Life Events, and Psychological and Physical Well-Being

Interactional models of life events and personality posit domains of vulnerability within which individuals are most likely to be affected by negative life events. A variation of this model was tested in a study of the separate as well as interactive effects of daily life events and personal strivings on psychological and physical well-being. Subjects listed 15 of their personal strivings,which were later categorized as reflecting either achievement, affiliation, intimacy, or power. For 21 consecutive days, subjects recorded up to eight events that most influenced their moods each day, and completed mood and physical symptom checklists. Power strivings were negatively correlated with well-being. Affiliation strivings were correlated with positive affect. No significant between-subject interactions occurred between strivings and events. However, within-subject analyses revealed several significant effects. Achievement-oriented individuals tended to be affected by good achievement events; similarly, the moods of affiliation- and intimacy-oriented individuals were affected by interpersonal events. Results are interpreted within a transactional framework, and implications for research on personality, life events, and well-being are discussed.