What is learned in spatial contextual cuing— configuration or individual locations?

With the use of spatial contextual cuing, we tested whether subjects learned to associate target locations with overall configurations of distractors or with individual locations of distractors. In Experiment 1, subjects were trained on 36 visual search displays that contained 36 sets of distractor locations and 18 target locations. Each target location was paired with two sets of distractor locations on separate trials. After training, the subjects showed perfect transfer to recombined displays, which were created by combining half of one trained distractor set with half of another trained distractor set. This result suggests that individual distractor locations were sufficient to cue the target location. In Experiment 2, the subjects showed good transfer from trained displays to rescaled, displaced, and perceptually regrouped displays, suggesting that the relative locations among items were also learned. Thus, both individual target-distractor associations and configural associations are learned in contextual cuing.     

What are the units of visual short-term memory, objects or spatial locations?

We investigated whether the capacity of visual short-term memory (VSTM) is defined by number of objects or number of spatial locations. Previous work is consistent with either alternative. To distinguish these factors, we used overlapping stimuli that allowed us to independently manipulate the number of spatial locations while holding constant the number of objects and features to be encoded (Duncan, 1984; Vecera & Farah, 1994). In Experiment 1, the number of spatial locations had no effect on VSTM, suggesting that VSTM is object based. Experiments 2 and 3 ruled out alternative explanations based on perceptual segregation difficulty or decision noise factors. Our results provide additional support to Luck and Vogel's (1997) demonstration that integrated objects form the units of VSTM capacity.     

What is aggressive? some contextual factors in judging international behavior

This research delineates several factors that may affect how likely observers are to judge some international actions as aggressive. Subjects rated scenarios in which a country intercedes in the affairs of another country experiencing internal or external difficulties. Judged to be more aggressive, as hypothesized, were actions in which it was “they” rather than “we” who were responsible, actions capable of causing injury or death, and actions carried out for a country's own self-interest. There were also unpredicted subtleties of judging international behavior. The results are considered from the perspective of recent contextualist theorizing.     

What is learned from experience in a probabilistic environment?

Three experiments explored what is learned from experience in a probabilistic environment. The task was a simulated medical decision‐making task with each patient having one of two test results and one of two diseases. The test result was highly predictive of the disease for all participants. The base rate of the test result was varied between participants to produce different inverse conditional probabilities of the test result given the disease across conditions. Participants trained using feedback to predict a patient's disease from a test result showed the classic confusion of the inverse error, substituting the forward conditional probability for the inverse conditional probability when tested on it. Additional training on the base rate of the test result did little to improve performance. Training on the joint probabilities, however, produced good performance on either conditional probability. The pattern of results demonstrated that experience with the environment is not always sufficient for good performance. That natural sampling leads to good performance was not supported. Further, because participants not trained on joint probabilities did, however, know them but still committed the confusion of the inverse error, the hypothesis that having joint probabilities would facilitate performance was not supported. The pattern of results supported the conclusion that people learn all the necessary information from experience in a probabilistic environment, but depending upon what the experience was, it may interfere with their ability to recall to memory the appropriate sample set necessary for estimating or using the inverse conditional probability. Copyright © 2004 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Auditory spatial negative priming: What is remembered of irrelevant sounds and their locations?

The categorization and identification of previously ignored visual or auditory stimuli is typically slowed down—a phenomenon that has been called the negative priming effect and can be explained by the episodic retrieval of response-inadequate prime information and/or an inhibitory model. A similar after-effect has been found in visuospatial tasks: participants are slowed down in localizing a visual stimulus that appears at a previously ignored location. In the auditory modality, however, such an after-effect of ignoring a sound at a specific location has never been reported. Instead, participants are impaired in their localization performance when the sound at the previously ignored location changes identity, a finding which is compatible with the so-called feature-mismatch hypothesis. Here, we describe the properties of auditory spatial in contrast to visuospatial negative priming and report two experiments that specify the nature of this auditory after-effect. Experiment 1 shows that the detection of identity-location mismatches is a genuinely auditory phenomenon that can be replicated even when the sound sources are invisible. Experiment 2 reveals that the detection of sound-identity mismatches in the probe depends on the processing demands in the prime. This finding implies that the localization of irrelevant sound sources is not the inevitable consequence of processing the auditory prime scenario but depends on the difficulty of the target search process among distractor sounds.     

What is learned about nontarget items in simple visual search?

Human sensitivity to correlational structure between nontargets and likelihood of target presence in a visual letter-search task were studied in two experiments. In each of these experiments, the performance of subjects for whom the nontarget information was altered in the final trial block was compared with the performance of subjects for whom the nontarget information did not change. When stimulus strings were presented individually on a computer screen and subjects were required to make a yes-no decision about target presence (Experiment 1), the change in nontarget structure resulted in increased reaction times for target-absent trials. When subjects searched simultaneously for three possible targets (Experiment 2), the change in nontarget structure produced increased error rates and increased reaction times for both target-absent and target-present trials. Correlations between the amount of predictive information in individual stimulus strings and reaction times also showed that both switching and nonswitching subjects were sensitive to the nontarget context. However, neither self-reports of strategy nor postexperiment choices between context-consistent and -inconsistent letter strings indicated any explicit knowledge of the predictive information in the nontarget stimuli. Subjects can thus acquire and benefit from, apparently without awareness, information about subtle correlational structure in nontarget elements in simple visual search.     

Priming of new associations in reading time: What is learned?

The priming of new associations has been a controversial topic, with some studies finding significant effects but others failing to replicate these results. Three studies investigated the priming of new associations in a reading time task, presenting lists of word pairs that were read aloud as quickly as possible. In Experiment 1, significant priming of new associations was found after two study presentations, replicating similar results by Moscovitch, Winocur, and MacLachan (1986). In Experiment 2, reading time was facilitated for intact pairs when word positions remained constant relative to when word positions were reversed. This suggested that the associative priming effect was related to specific lower level features of the word pairs rather than to abstract associations. In Experiment 3, the insertion of the wordand between test words eliminated the pairing-specific effect, placing the locus of new association priming at the transition between words within pairs. These findings demonstrate that the knowledge that supports priming of new associations in the reading time task involves perceptual or articulatory information about the transitions between words rather than abstract associative knowledge.     

How is spatial context learning integrated over signal versus noise? A primacy effect in contextual cueing

Over repeated exposure to particular visual search displays, subjects are able to implicitly extract regularities that then make search more efficient-a phenomenon known as contextual cueing. Here we explore how the learning involved in contextual cueing is formed, maintained, and updated over experience. During an initial training phase, a group of signal first subjects searched through a series of predictive displays (where distractor locations were perfectly correlated with the target location), followed with no overt break by a series of unpredictive displays (where repeated contexts were uncorrelated with target locations). A second noise first group of subjects encountered the unpredictive displays followed by the predictive displays. Despite the fact that both groups had the same overall exposure to signal and noise, only the signal first group demonstrated subsequent contextual cueing. This primacy effect indicates that initial experience can result in hypotheses about regularities in displays-or the lack thereof-which then become resistant to updating. The absence of regularities in early stages of training even blocked observers from learning predictive regularities later on.     

What is learned about fragments in artificial grammar learning? A transitional probabilities approach

Learning local regularities in sequentially structured materials is typically assumed to be based on encoding of the frequencies of these regularities. We explore the view that transitional probabilities between elements of chunks, rather than frequencies of chunks, may be the primary factor in artificial grammar learning (AGL). The transitional probability model (TPM) that we propose is argued to provide an adaptive and parsimonious strategy for encoding local regularities in order to induce sequential structure from an input set of exemplars of the grammar. In a variant of the AGL procedure, in which participants estimated the frequencies of bigrams occurring in a set of exemplars they had been exposed to previously, participants were shown to be more sensitive to local transitional probability information than to mere pattern frequencies.     

What is learned in knowledge-related categories? Evidence from typicality and feature frequency judgments

When a category’s features are tied together by integrative knowledge, subjects learn the category faster than when the features are not directly related. What do subjects learn about the category in such circumstances? Some research has suggested that the subjects can use the knowledge itself in performing the category learning task and, thus, do not learn the details of the category’s features. Two experiments investigated this hypothesis by collecting feature frequency estimates after category learning. The results showed that integrative knowledge about a category did not decrease subjects’ sensitivity to feature frequency—if anything, knowledge improved it. A third experiment found that integrative knowledge did reduce sensitivity to feature frequency in typicality ratings. The results suggest that knowledge does not inhibit the learning of detailed category information, though it may replace its use in some tasks.     

Correlations between spatial compatibility effects: are arrows more like locations or words?

Responses are more efficient when their spatial mappings with features of targets are compatible compared to when they are incompatible, even when those features are irrelevant to task performance. Currently, a debate exists as to whether spatial information conveyed by different stimulus modes leads to qualitatively different spatial representations. We investigated the relations between three of the most commonly used spatial stimulus modes-arrows, locations, and location words-using correlations of compatibility effects between each of these modes as well as compatibility effects at different segments of their response time distributions. Our results show that when spatial information is irrelevant to task performance (the Simon task), the compatibility effects elicited by arrows and words are more strongly related with each other than with those of locations. However, when spatial information is task relevant (the stimulus-response compatibility SRC task), the compatibility effects elicited by arrows and locations are more related, and both are less related to the effect elicited by words. We suggest that these changing relations between stimulus modes are strategically determined based on which spatial coding technique for arrows is most advantageous to task performance. Furthermore, the varying relations between these spatial compatibility effects indicate that the compatibility effect with one stimulus mode is not always predictive of the compatibility effect in another mode.     

What is involved in forgiving?

Conclusion I have argued that forgiveness paradigmatically involves overcoming moral anger, of which resentment is the central case. I have argued, as well, that forgiveness may involve overcoming any form of anger so long as the belief that you have been wrongfully harmed is partially constitutive of it, and that overcoming other negative emotions caused by a wrongdoer's misdeed may, given appropriate qualifications, count as forgiveness. Those qualifications indicate, however, significant differences between moral anger and other negative emotions; differences which must be taken into account when determining whether overcoming negative emotions other than moral anger count as forgiveness. I have proposed, too, that forgiveness requires neither overcoming all negative feelings (other than moral anger) nor the judgment that the offender is a wrongdoer.I must acknowledge that my analysis is incomplete, focusing as it does on the forgiver rather than on the person forgiven. After all, there are two sides to forgiveness. Not all forgiving involves a struggle to overcome negative feelings; sometimes it is a social transaction of a more casual sort that is effected by the simple speech act I forgive you. My analysis is incomplete insofar as it treats exclusively of forgiveness as a process and fails to offer an analysis of forgiveness as an act. Finally, a complete theory of forgiveness requires an account of the conditions under which forgiveness qualifies as a moral virtue, and such an account is beyond the scope of this essay. Though I have not offered a complete theory of forgiveness, my effort to clarify a dimension of what is involved in a common type of forgiveness may clear the way for answering related questions about it, and thereby lead to a fuller account of forgiveness as a moral phenomenon.     

Multiple stimulus discrimination learning. III. What is learned?

Rats were given a multiple stimulus discrimination, with either a constant positive stimulus combined with several negative stimuli or a constant negative stimulus combined with several positive stimuli. Choice data in transfer tests indicated that the discrimination had taken place on the basis of the constant stimulus alone and that the constant stimulus was equally effective in mediating transfer whether it had been positive or negative. While the multiple stimuli did not control choice behaviour, the latency data indicated that some analysis of them had taken place. Analyses of discrepancies in choice and latency data suggest that the two types of measure reflect different processes involved in discrimination learning.     

What is learned in sequential learning? An associative model of reward magnitude serial-pattern learning

A computational model of sequence learning is described that is based on pairwise associations and generalization. Simulations by the model predicted that rats should learn a long monotonic pattern of food quantities better than a nonmonotonic pattern, as predicted by rule-learning theory, and that they should learn a short nonmonotonic pattern with highly discriminable elements better than 1 with less discriminable elements, as predicted by interitem association theory. In 2 other studies, the model also simulated behavioral "rule generalization," "extrapolation," and associative transfer data motivated by both rule-learning and associative perspectives. Although these simulations do not rule out the possibility that rats can use rule induction to learn serial patterns, they show that a simple associative model can account for the classical behavioral studies implicating rule learning in reward magnitude serial-pattern learning.     

What is spiritual? What is spiritual suffering?

The author offers definitions for "spiritual" and for "spiritual suffering," suggesting that human spiritual needs include Love, Faith, Hope, Virtue, and Beauty. Spiritual suffering is experienced when these needs are unfulfilled. Spiritual care involves assisting in the fulfillment of these needs. He considers the constant movement between spiritual needs and fulfillments, encouraging use of fluid (not static) assessment methods using "spiritual spectra." As a model, this outline of basic spiritual needs may serve as the foundation for many current spiritual assessment tools.