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1.
如何理解"宗教"与"宗教信仰自由"?前提是需要重新分析和审视时代背景与社会生活的变化。西方自由主义的政治哲学和道德伦理赋予"宗教"、"宗教信仰自由"的问题西方历史与语境下的含义,并成为这一含义的理论基础。而在全球化时代,自由主义对"宗教信仰自由"的解释不再无懈可击。本文意在区分我们所身处的时代与此前时代,自不同的维度理解既有概念,视"宗教信仰自由"为一个探寻的概念,丰富与发展"宗教信仰自由"的内涵,以增强其适应性。  相似文献   

2.
自古至今,西哲们紧跟时代的脚步,不断把西方的政治伦理观推陈出新:美德政治伦理、神性政治伦理、非道德主义的政治伦理、权利政治伦理。全面、系统地梳理和展现西方政治伦理思想的演变及其价值诉求,对于理解和把握政治伦理学中的一些重要理论问题具有重大的启迪意义。  相似文献   

3.
正政治忠诚观与一个国家的哲学理念、价值观念、政治文化密不可分,东西方国家在其历史发展进程中,伴随着忠诚的对象的不断演变,逐步在价值层面上蕴含和发展了各具特色的政治理念和政治伦理,为现代国家政治制度的建立发挥着基础性的作用。新时代,应借鉴吸收中西方政治忠诚理论的有益成分,建构新时代中国特色的政治忠诚观,使之成为中国共产党制度建设的政治伦理和凝聚力量、智慧和共识的道德基础。我想谈三个问题:政治忠诚的历史演变与时代  相似文献   

4.
全球政治伦理是人们在全球化时代的一般性政治价值规范和约束规则,它在发展过程中由于受到以资本增殖为核心的经济增长逻辑在全球扩张的影响而面临多重困境。"一带一路"是中国改革开放在当代的深化发展,其倡导的"共商、共建、共享"原则蕴含着平等、公正等政治伦理内涵,顺应了当代全球政治伦理变革的客观要求,体现了对中外政治伦理的反思、扬弃与发展,是中国为全球政治伦理变革贡献的中国方案。  相似文献   

5.
约翰·密尔从个人与社会关系的独特伦理视角对自由主义进行了新的阐释,他认为自由就是由社会合法地对个体行施的那种权力的本性和限制.密尔坚持个人自由,主张张扬人的个性,提出自由要以社会的进步和人类整体的幸福为其价值目标.尤其是密尔对自由的伦理道德诉求、对个性自由的伦理价值分析、给自由以限度、给自由以功利主义解释等伦理主张和理论建构,不仅极大地丰富和完善了自由主义理论,推动了自由主义理论与实践的发展,而且还具有重要的现代价值.  相似文献   

6.
当代美国社会伦理学说述评   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
社会伦理是社会生活的行为规范与道德价值原则,它根源于现实的生产方式与社会关系,同特定的文化传统也有历史相关性。社会伦理有双重内涵:一是特定社会体制蕴含的伦理原则、价值规范,用以提供建树社会体制的伦理支持与辩护;二是同体制伦理相应的社会道德价值体系,用以建村社会的道德秩序和国民的道德人格。社会伦理渗透于经济、政治体制与文化活动、道德文明,并深深地介入社会发展的各领域。70年代以来,规范性的社会伦理学已成为国际哲学界的一门显学,它同经济理论、政治哲学也相关联。西方特别是美国重视对它开展研究,出现了一…  相似文献   

7.
宋明军 《学海》2004,(2):195-197
自由主义是西方近几百年里占主导地位的伦理和政治哲学,也是当今西方国家政治社会的构成原则,甚至还日益扩展至正在走向市场化和民主化的非西方国家,其内容庞大而复杂.  相似文献   

8.
生态伦理的价值本体是生态伦理的核心问题,从实践的层面来确立生态伦理的价值本体,有助于我们摆脱生态伦理研究无现实根基的理论困境,为人类合乎道德地改造自然提供理论根据.本文从历史唯物主义方法论出发,在对当前生态伦理的价值本体研究现状进行反思基础之上,探讨生态伦理价值本体的实践转向,以物质变换来重建生态伦理的价值本体.  相似文献   

9.
施米特通过确定加世纪20年代现实中议会制已经背离了其原则,揭示了议会制的危机.施米特的议会制论议背后体现了他对时代政治趋势的把握.这一趋势即是:随着大众政治的兴起,自由主义与民主二者间的矛盾日益凸显,非理性主义的直接行动理论使持相对理性主义的自由主义议会理想与持绝对理性主义的马克思主义专政理论均受挑战.探讨施米特在议会制问题上的有关论述,对于我们理解施米特早期政治思想,乃至西方议会制理论与实践,均具重要意义.  相似文献   

10.
生命伦理学是上个世纪中叶兴起的一门应用伦理学学科,主要研究现代医学及生物科学技术所带来的一系列伦理问题.由于其实践性和应用性的学科建构方式,使得生命伦理学具有多重的思想渊源,主要包括:基督教伦理神学、医学科学哲学、西方自由主义的政治哲学和西方道德哲学等.上述理论交织在一起,构成了一个繁复的思想网络,既相互联系又存在着矛盾和冲突,共同为生命伦理学提供了理论上的支持.今天,生命伦理学的基础理论还处在不断丰富和演变的过程之中.  相似文献   

11.
Political parties have only recently become a subject of investigation in political theory. In this paper I analyse religious political parties in the context of John Rawls’s political liberalism. Rawlsian political liberalism, I argue, overly constrains the scope of democratic political contestation and especially for the kind of contestation channelled by parties. This restriction imposed upon political contestation risks undermining democracy and the development of the kind of democratic ethos that political liberalism cherishes. In this paper I therefore aim to provide a broader and more inclusive understanding of ‘reasonable’ political contestation, able to accommodate those parties (including religious ones) that political liberalism, as customarily understood, would exclude from the democratic realm. More specifically, I first embrace Muirhead and Rosenblum’s (Perspectives on Politics 4: 99–108 2006) idea that parties are ‘bilingual’ links between state and civil society and I draw its normative implications for party politics. Subsequently, I assess whether Rawls’s political liberalism is sufficiently inclusive to allow the presence of parties conveying religious and other comprehensive values. Due to Rawls’s thick conceptions of reasonableness and public reason, I argue, political liberalism risks seriously limiting the number and kinds of comprehensive values which may be channelled by political parties into the public political realm, and this may render it particularly inhospitable to religious political parties. Nevertheless, I claim, Rawls’s theory does offer some scope for reinterpreting the concepts of reasonableness and public reason in a thinner and less restrictive sense and this may render it more inclusive towards religious partisanship.  相似文献   

12.
政治伦理的现代建构   总被引:14,自引:1,他引:13  
政治伦理作为一门研究人类政治正当性及其操作规范和方法论的价值哲学。时政治明的发展和政治体制改革,具有导向、规范和终极价值关怀的意义。政治的正当性在于谋取人类“优良的生活”。在人类政治生活中具有优先性。围绕政治的正当性问题而展开的人类政治的价值选择和伦理结构是政治伦理的主体内容。人类生活在由政治支撑着的社会框架中,政治价值理念、政治制度伦理、政治组织伦理以及政治行为主体伦理,是现代政治伦理构成的基本框架。  相似文献   

13.
The revival of republicanism was meant to challenge the hegemony of liberalism in contemporary political theory on the grounds that liberals show insufficient concern with institutional protection against political misrule. This article challenges this view by showing how neorepublicanism, particularly on Philip Pettit's formulation, demands no greater institutional protection than does political liberalism. By identifying neutrality between conceptions of the good as the constraint on institutional requirements that forces neorepublicanism into the liberal framework, the article shows that neutrality is what neorepublicans must jettison to offer a tenable critique of liberalism. Only then can neorepublicans ensure greater protection against misrule by demanding that citizens participate more actively in politics. They can then also criticize liberalism for failing to appreciate the importance of such protection.  相似文献   

14.
谭安奎 《现代哲学》2007,106(5):99-104
政治自由主义试图将其正义观念塑造为纯粹"政治的"观念,而不能是完备性的"道德的"观念。但任何规范性的正义观念似乎都不能不是道德的,这就形成了政治自由主义所面对的一个最根本的悖论。通过分析我们可以看到,政治自由主义要克服这一悖论,必须寻求一种具有自主性的规范性政治概念。此外,政治自由主义把公民的两种道德能力当作理论前提,同时强调道德化的公民美德,这两个因素都加深了这一悖论。通过解释和分析这两种因素所带来的理论难题及其原因,文章认为,"政治的"自由主义之所以难以抹去"道德的"面纱,其根源在于政治在自由主义价值系统中的处境。  相似文献   

15.
Enzo Rossi 《Res Publica》2014,20(1):9-25
Public justification-based accounts of liberal legitimacy rely on the idea that a polity’s basic structure should, in some sense, be acceptable to its citizens. In this paper I discuss the prospects of that approach through the lens of Gerald Gaus’ critique of John Rawls’ paradigmatic account of democratic public justification. I argue that Gaus does succeed in pointing out some significant problems for Rawls’ political liberalism; yet his alternative, justificatory liberalism, is not voluntaristic enough to satisfy the desiderata of a genuinely democratic theory of public justification. So I contend that—pace Gaus, but also Rawls—rather than simply amending political liberalism, the claims of justificatory liberalism bring out fatal tensions between the desiderata of any theory of liberal-democratic legitimacy through public justification.  相似文献   

16.
This article focuses on the general theoretical issue of realism versus constructivism (or normativism) in politics, with a case of the present-day Russia as the main and most telling (but not the only) example. We present four assertions that we are going to defend. First, we claim that in the sphere of international relations, political realism of the offensive type, after decades of more tempered USA–USSR relations, is again challenging its opponent: political constructivism. Second, political realism is winning in the sphere of domestic politics and policy in the leading countries as well. Third, we touch upon theoretical issues and discuss the ontological nature of political realism in comparison with political constructivism and the kindred of the latter with normativism, legalism, constitutionalism and liberalism. Political constructivism as a concept is underestimated and rarely used. Our article explicates the concept of political constructivism, which is a novel contribution to political theory and political philosophy. Fourth, we show that political constructivism, being the most advanced achievement of political civilization compared to archaic realism, has not lost the game so far and should be upheld in its battle with the remnants of the wild political past. Sliding back to political realism would turn humankind into another degraded animal species instead of making it the pilot in continuing human progress.  相似文献   

17.
Current debates surrounding liberalism and communitarianism, modernity and postmodernity, ethical theory and narrative ethics fail to account for shifting foundations of personal identity in an increasingly computer-mediated era of human communication. This paper aims to examine some of the conceptual assumptions about identity and community which are being radically undermined by rapidly evolving information networks and are therefore in need of redefinition. Additionally, I argue for an expansion of the literary imagination to include virtual, coauthored fiction sites where exploration of personal identity will bear upon future ethical and political decision-making.  相似文献   

18.
Proponents of environmentalist views often urge the teaching of such views and the inculcation of ‘green’ values within the educational curriculum of schools as a key component of achieving their ends. It might seem that modern versions of political morality that refuse to take a stance on controversial questions—religious, ethical, philosophical—or eschew appeal to perfectionist doctrines, such as Rawlsian political liberalism, are beset by a particularly acute difficulty in this regard. To the extent that environmentalist views embody claims about ethical matters such as how individuals should live their lives, they fall foul of this version of political morality. This article evaluates the resources available to political liberalism to respond to the challenge of bringing the teaching of green values and virtues within the national curriculum. It argues that environmental concerns differ in morally important ways from other ethical, philosophical, and religious views that are typically off-limits to political liberalism. Much that passes as green ideals are not simply a conception of the good life in the manner that religious views, for example, are. Rather, many environmental goods are crucial to the realisation of socioeconomic justice and therefore escape the requirement of state neutrality on endorsing the truth or importance of their role. A minimal political liberal education includes teaching about justice-based concerns as part of a compulsory national curriculum.  相似文献   

19.
The article considers the critique of political liberalism offered by the Radical Orthodoxy movement. The first part deals with the claim that the underlying framework for the “secular” human condition ‐which would include political liberalism‐ is ontological violence and ethical nihilism. The second part of the article deals with the charge that liberalism leads to a social atomism and individualism which can be overcome with the help of a participatory‐analogical theology. I consider the invocation to unity, participation and transformation to be theologically incautious, and politically dangerous, in a way well understood by a tradition of political liberalism.  相似文献   

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