The development of violence from age 8 to 61

The main aim of this study is to investigate the development of violence from childhood to adulthood. In the Cambridge Study in Delinquent Development (CSDD), 411 London males have been followed up from age 8 to 48 in interviews, and from age 10 to 61 in criminal records; 19% were convicted for violence. There was a surprising amount of violence committed at older ages (40–61). The number of violence convictions was similar at ages 10–20, 21–39, and 40–61. There was considerable continuity in violent offending from ages 10–20 to 40–61. There was also continuity in self-reported violence from ages 15–18 to 43–48, and violence convictions were related to self-reported violence at all ages. The most important childhood risk factors for violence convictions were high daring or risk-taking, low verbal intelligence, a disrupted family, harsh parental discipline, high hyperactivity, and large family size. The extent to which these risk factors predicted violence at ages 40–61 was noteworthy. The “integrated cognitive antisocial potential (ICAP)” theory was proposed to explain the development of violence, and methods of preventing violence, targeting childhood risk factors, were reviewed.     

Characteristics of juvenile sex offending against strangers: Findings from a non‐clinical study

Previous studies of the characteristics of juvenile sex offending have been restricted to clinical samples (with convicted offenders undergoing treatment or assessment), which have several inherent limitations. To overcome these limitations victim allegations made to the London Metropolitan Police, UK, in 2001, of sexual assault by juvenile stranger perpetrators were sampled. The study aimed to determine more accurately the alleged nature of sex offending by this type of juvenile offender (aged less than 18 years) and to determine what factors were associated with the most serious cases of this type of aggressive behaviour. The most common offence characteristics were identified, and relationships between suspect and offence/victim characteristics were statistically tested. Offence seriousness, as indicated by physical violence and the occurrence of penetration, was significantly associated with an assault by a team of offenders, a young victim, and older juvenile offenders. The potential for predicting offender characteristics from offence characteristics was examined. Estimated offender age was significantly predicted by the absence/presence of penetration. An older juvenile offender was predicted by a penetrative attack. Aggr. Behav. 30:243–253, 2004. © 2004 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.     

Predictors and outcomes of persistent or age‐limited registered criminal behavior: a 30‐year longitudinal study of a Swedish urban population

This study uses data from the longitudinal research program Individual Development and Adaptation, where an entire school‐grade cohort of children in a middle‐size Swedish city (n～1.300) has been followed from ages 10 to 43 and 48 for women and men, respectively. Our findings indicate that the patterns of offending across the life‐course differ between genders, where males seem to initiate their offending earlier than females. Further, there are very few women on a persistent offending‐trajectory. Focusing on precursors to as well as consequences of offending as indexed in official registers, our results indicate that individuals in the persistent offender group have the most pronounced adjustment problems in school‐ as well as in middle age. Individual characteristics and behaviors (e.g., aggression, hyperactivity, antisocial behavior) vary systematically between individuals with different developmental offending patterns. The combination of an unstable upbringing and own antisocial behavior seems to be especially predictive for criminality. For persistent offenders, the prevalence of alcohol and psychiatric problems at adult age is high for males and extremely high for females (nine out of ten and six out of ten for each of the two problem types for females). Further, the importance for adjustment of the two‐dimensional variation in the number of crimes committed during adolescence and adult age seems to have been surprisingly well captured by the “crude” division into the four offender groups that were used. Aggr. Behav. 35:164–178, 2009. © 2009 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.     

Psychosocial predictors of adult antisocial personality and adult convictions

In the Cambridge Study in Delinquent Development, 411 South London males have been followed up since age 8. This article investigates the ability of psychosocial risk factors measured at age 8 - 10 to predict antisocial personality measures at ages 18 and 32 and convictions between ages 21 and 40. The most important childhood predictors were a convicted parent, large family size, low intelligence or attainment, and child-rearing factors, including a young mother and a disrupted family. The accuracy of prediction of antisocial personality at age 32 on the basis of childhood risk factors measured more than 20 years before was surprising: nearly half of boys with a convicted parent at age 10 were antisocial at age 32, compared with one in six of the remainder. Over 60% of boys very high risk at age 8 - 10 became antisocial at age 32. While the present research shows how far adult antisocial and criminal behavior can be predicted in childhood, more research is needed to establish the precise causal mechanisms involved.     

Designated as Dangerous: Characteristics of Sex Offenders Subject to Post‐Sentence Orders in Australia

The earliest characterisation of Australian sex offenders subjected to post‐sentence legislation is presented. Demographic, developmental, clinical, and criminal characteristics were obtained for sex offenders under post‐sentence orders in Western Australia, New South Wales, and Victoria. Data on 50 offenders were recorded from psychological and psychiatric risk assessment reports statutorily required at the initiation of post‐sentence legal proceedings. The findings describe a group of demonstrably dangerous men who exhibited an early onset of sexual offending, high rates of mental disorder, sexual deviance, and antisociality. Their developmental histories are characterised by early deprivation, disadvantage, abuse, early exposure to substance abuse, and social and psychological dislocation. These offenders present a conundrum to criminal justice agencies. They are an objectively unfortunate group and have engaged in significantly harmful behaviours. However, the early onset of their offending suggests that early intervention services, such as those offered by mental health professionals, have a critically important role to play in any effort to alter offending trajectories such as those exhibited in this sample. A paradigm shift in public policy from a post hoc model to a well‐resourced preventative and public health approach to the problem of sexual violence is proposed. Broad treatment implications are also considered.     

A longitudinal examination of the relation between co‐offending with violent accomplices and violent crime

Although the idea that youthful offenders are affected by the company they keep is widely accepted, evidence in support of this idea is based primarily on reports provided by offenders and their peers. As an alternative to relying on reports of criminal behavior, a method that may overestimate the role that peers play in criminal behavior, the current research on co‐offending uses court records to identify and track over time individuals who are known to commit crimes together. The present investigation is the first co‐offending study to track patterns of violent criminal behavior (over an 18‐year period) among a sample of urban offenders and their accomplices. The study tests whether violence “spreads” from violent offenders to those inexperienced in violence. Results indicate that nonviolent offenders who commit their first co‐offense with violent accomplices are at increased risk for subsequent serious violent crime. Findings suggest that lessons of violence can be learned “on the street,” where knowledge is passed along through impromptu social contexts, including those in which offenders commit crimes together. Aggr. Behav. 28:97–108, 2002. © 2002 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.     

The treatment of youthful sexual offenders

Approximately 20% of all rapes and between 30% and 50% of child molestations are perpetrated by adolescent males. These statistics underscore the need for improved understanding of youthful sexual offending so that effective prevention measures may be utilized for those adolescents at risk of offending and effective treatments may be utilized with those adolescents who have already committed sexual offenses. In this article we review the current knowledge of the characteristics of youthful offenders, proposed etiologies of youthful offending, proposed typologies of, assessment protocols, and treatments for youthful offenders. Finally we discuss the need for further research in the area of youthful sex offending.     

Continuity of aggression from childhood to early adulthood as a predictor of life outcomes: implications for the adolescent‐limited and life‐course‐persistent models

Using data from the Columbia County Longitudinal Study, a 40‐year longitudinal study following an entire county's population of third‐grade students from age 8 to 48, we examine questions about the long‐term consequences of aggressive and antisocial behavior in childhood, adolescence, and young adulthood. We found moderate levels of continuity of aggression from age 8 to 48 both for males and for females. Contrary to what some have proposed, we found that continuity of aggressiveness is owing to not only the high‐aggressive participants staying high but also owing to the low‐aggressive participants staying low. Compared with life‐course‐persistent low aggressives, we found that life‐course‐persistent high aggressives had consistently poorer outcomes across domains of life success, criminal behavior, and psychosocial functioning at age 48 (e.g., arrests, traffic violations, aggression toward spouse and divorces, depression, health, occupational and educational attainment). In contrast, adolescent‐limited and child‐limited aggressives did not differ from life‐course‐persistent low aggressives on the age 48 outcomes. Finally, the outcomes for late‐onset (early adulthood) aggressives were also problematic in some domains though not as problematic as those for life‐course‐persistent aggressives. Aggr. Behav. 35:136–149, 2009. © 2009 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.     

Elderly offenders in a maximum security mental hospital

Elderly offenders aged 60 and above constitute less than 8% of the population in a maximum security mental hospital. These offenders fall into 2 groups: 1) first admission at or after the age of 50 and 2) first admission before 50. Fewer first time offenders committed homicide in the first group than those in the second group. Neuropsychiatric disturbance and sex offending was common among male first time offenders in the first group; in contrast, schizophrenia and violent offending against persons was found more often in the second group. It is argued that elderly first time offenders should be given adequate neuropsychiatric assessment. © 1995 Wiley-Liss, Inc.     

Juvenile Offending and Crime in Early Adulthood: A Large Sample Analysis

Using large sample archival data from the state of South Carolina’s juvenile justice agency and other state agencies, we examined the background, early experiential and delinquency-related variables predicting young adult (ages 17–30 years) offending among juvenile offenders. We also examined characteristics of juvenile offenders who committed only a single misdemeanor offense, compared to non-juvenile offenders. Finally, we examined the variables that accounted for group differences in persistence of juvenile offending. Early adverse experiences including family-related adversities, mental health problems, identification as having school-related disabilities and juvenile recidivism accounted for more than 20 % of the variance in adult offending. Cox proportional hazards analysis revealed several time-dependent covariates including gender, age at first offense and repeat versus one time offending. Contrary to the view that the one time, misdemeanor level juvenile offending represents only minor departure from normative adolescent behavior, we found that this group of offenders differed significantly from non-delinquents on every category of risk for adult offending and also were more likely than non-delinquents to commit felonies as adults. Finally, in comparing adolescence-limited offenders with life-course persistent offenders, we accounted for more than 50 % of the variance in criminal outcomes on the basis of measures of background, early adversity, psychological characteristics and age of first juvenile arrest or referral.     

Examining risk of escalation: A critical review of the exhibitionistic behavior literature

While forensic mental health professionals frequently are asked to assess the risk that exhibitionistic offenders will increase the severity of their sexual offending, disparate perspectives exist reflecting the perceived dangerousness of those who engage in exhibitionistic behavior. The present paper critically reviews the literature regarding the reported link between male exhibitionistic behavior and contact sexual offending in 12 peer-reviewed, English-language studies published since 1981. A history of exhibitionistic behavior was prevalent in a minority of perpetrators of various contact sexual offenses. Over an average follow-up period of greater than five years, an estimated 5–10% of exhibitionistic perpetrators were found to escalate to contact sexual offending, while approximately 25% recidivated with a subsequent exhibitionistic offense. The most supported risk factor for escalation was a general clustering of antisocial behavior, including a history of sexual and nonsexual convictions. Common methodological limitations of the research and recommendations for improved validity are provided, along with suggestions for future research directions.     

Attachment,emotional loneliness,and bullying behaviour: A study of adult and young offenders

This research addresses the question of whether or not offenders who bully others and/or are victimised themselves can be distinguished by their attachment styles and the level of emotional loneliness that they report. Adult and young male offenders (n = 220) were required to complete a self‐report behavioural checklist (DIPC: Direct and Indirect Prisoner behaviour Checklist: Ireland, 1999a) that addressed the level of bullying behaviour at their present institution. Offenders were also required to complete a measure of attachment, namely the Three Attachment Style Measure [Hazan and Shaver, 1987] exploring secure, avoidant and anxious/ambivalent styles, and a measure of emotional loneliness, namely the revised UCLA Loneliness scale [Russell, Peplaw and Cutrona, 1980]. Young offenders were more likely than adult offenders to report behaviours indicative of ‘bullying others’ and of ‘being bullied.’ With regards to attachment style and bullying behaviour, significant differences were restricted to avoidant attachment; bully/victims reported higher avoidant scores than the other bully‐categories, with pure bullies and those not‐involved reporting lower avoidant scores. Finally, when considering emotional loneliness and bullying behaviour, bully/victims reported higher scores on emotional loneliness than the other bully‐categories, with the not‐involved group reporting significantly lower scores. Aggr. Behav. 30:298–312, 2004. © 2004 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.     

Beyond sexual recidivism: A review of the sexual criminal career parameters of adult sex offenders

The current study claims that measures of sexual recidivism provide a distorted view of the criminal activity of adult sex offenders. To address this important limitation, the criminal career perspective is presented and key concepts are defined and described. The study also provides an up-to-date review of the scientific literature on various criminal career parameters of the sexual criminal activity of adult sex offenders. Hence, current empirical knowledge on the prevalence, age of onset, frequency, continuity, versatility, and desistance from sex offending is presented. The findings highlight the complexities of the sexual criminal career of adult sex offenders, and most importantly, its dynamic aspect, both of which are not captured by traditional measures of sexual recidivism. The review also underscores the importance of recognizing that sexual offending develops according to a series of stages, that, if not recognized, may lead to the underestimation of risk for some and over-estimation of risk for others. The review provides a framework to stimulate new areas of research as well as policy-development that is not limited to the identification of the “high-risk” convicted sex offenders.     

Around the world,adolescence is a time of heightened sensation seeking and immature self‐regulation

The dual systems model of adolescent risk‐taking portrays the period as one characterized by a combination of heightened sensation seeking and still‐maturing self‐regulation, but most tests of this model have been conducted in the United States or Western Europe. In the present study, these propositions are tested in an international sample of more than 5000 individuals between ages 10 and 30 years from 11 countries in Africa, Asia, Europe and the Americas, using a multi‐method test battery that includes both self‐report and performance‐based measures of both constructs. Consistent with the dual systems model, sensation seeking increased between preadolescence and late adolescence, peaked at age 19, and declined thereafter, whereas self‐regulation increased steadily from preadolescence into young adulthood, reaching a plateau between ages 23 and 26. Although there were some variations in the magnitude of the observed age trends, the developmental patterns were largely similar across countries.     

Self‐esteem trajectories across 25 years and midlife intimate relations

Guided by a life‐span developmental systems approach, this study examined links between self‐esteem assessed over 25 years and adaptive interaction and relationship risk at midlife using data from 341 Canadian adults surveyed (or followed) from ages 18 to 43. Results showed higher self‐esteem at age 18 was associated with more adaptive interactions and lower perceived relationship risk at age 43. A more rapid increase in self‐esteem through the transition to adulthood into midlife (ages 18–43) was also associated with more frequent adaptive interactions and less relationship risk at age 43. These results held after accounting for potential confounding variables. This study is the first to demonstrate self‐esteem trajectories over a quarter century predict midlife intimate relationship functioning.     

Personality – a resource or risk for successful development

Personality as a resource or risk for development was discussed in the light of the results of the ongoing Finnish Jyväskylä Longitudinal Study of Personality and Social Development (FJYLS) which the author has conducted since 1968 when the participants (N = 369, b. 1959) were 8 years of age. A general hypothesis presented within a two‐dimensional framework of self‐control and activity was that the child’s high self‐control of emotions and behavior would be associated with adaptive behavior in adulthood. The results have provided evidence in support for and limitations to the hypothesis. High self‐control was a resource and low self‐control was a risk for development, but there were gender differences that came out consistently in variable‐oriented and person‐oriented analyses. A resource factor for male adult social functioning was, compared to females, a broader construct of self‐control in childhood covering both more passive (compliant) and active (constructive) behavior; only active well‐controlled (constructive) behavior was a resource for female functioning. A risk factor for female functioning was low self‐control combined with passivity (internalizing behavior), whereas low self‐control combined with activity (externalizing behavior) was a risk factor for male functioning. Childhood self‐control was not directly associated with adult psychological functioning such as well‐being but indirectly through social functioning such as career development. Low self‐control in childhood was an antecedent of criminal behavior but only for those male offenders who committed offences in adulthood, not for those who had limited their offending to adolescence.     

Co‐offending and the choice of target areas in burglary

Using data on residential burglaries and residential burglars in The Hague, this study addresses the issue of whether solitary offenders choose their target areas differently from the way offender groups do. It is hypothesised that, in general, burglars are attracted to neighbourhoods that are nearby their homes, nearby the city centre, affluent, physically accessible, and characterised by social disorganisation. In addition, differences between solitary burglars and co‐offending burglar groups regarding the strength of these criteria are assessed. The results support the postulated relevance of physical accessibility and proximity to the offenders' homes for both single offenders and co‐offending groups. However, solitary burglars and burglar groups seem to agree on what constitutes an attractive target area, because no evidence for the postulated differences between them is found. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Criminality and continued DUI offense: criminal typologies and recidivism among repeat offenders

We examined over 20,000 arraignment records to define criminal typologies and post-treatment driving under the influence of alcohol (DUI) convictions for a select cohort of 1,281 repeat DUI offenders who were offered and elected treatment as an alternative to incarceration; we compared this information with a similar data analysis collected 20 years previously. Analyses of 8,600 prior-to-treatment convictions defined four basic crime profiles: only DUI and other substance-related offenses (60%), plus crimes against property (18%), plus crimes against people (8%), plus crimes against both property and people (13%). During the six years after inpatient treatment, 15.5% of the cohort was convicted of another DUI. The reoffense rate was significantly different across criminal types and was not related to the time post treatment years at risk. The findings show there has been no significant improvement in treatment outcome over the last 20 years. New and innovative DUI offender policies and practices are needed to better engage the heterogeneous offender population, and reduce the incidence of repeat DUI.