Sex differences in parents' estimations of their own and their children's multiple intelligences: a Portuguese replication

In this study, 148 Portuguese adults (M = 45.4 years) rated themselves and their children on overall IQ and on H. Gardner (1999) 10 intelligence subtypes. Men's self-estimates were not significantly higher than women's on any of the 11 estimates. The results were in line with previous studies, in that both sexes rated the overall intelligence of their first male children higher than the first female children. Higher parental IQ self-estimates correspond with higher IQ estimates for children. Globally parents estimated that their sons had significantly higher IQs than their daughters. In particular, parents rated their son's spiritual intelligence higher than those of their daughters. Children's age and sex, and parents' age and sex were all non-significant predictors of the overall "g" score estimates of the first two children. Participants thought verbal, mathematical, and spatial intelligence were the best indicators of the overall intelligence for self and children. There were no sex differences in experience of, or attitudes towards, intelligence testing. Results are discussed in terms of the growing literature in the self-estimates of intelligence, as well as limitations of that approach.     

Zulu Mothers' Beliefs About Their Own and Their Children's Intelligence

Abstract

Zulu women (N = 133) were given a structural interview concerning their own and their children's multiple intelligences. The best predictor of their own self-estimated overall intelligence rating was mathematical and spatial intelligence. Mothers showed few significant differences in their estimates of their sons and daughters' overall or multiple intelligences. However, they rated their daughters' interpersonal intelligence higher than those of their sons, and their sons' bodily-kinesthetic intelligence higher than those of their daughters. The mothers believed that overall their children were about 6 IQ points more intelligent than themselves. Although mothers estimated their own spatial, inter-, and intrapersonal intelligence to be higher than those of their children, they also believed that their children had higher mathematical intelligence.     

Parents Think Their Sons Are Brighter Than Their Daughters: Sex Differences in Parental Self-Estimations and Estimations of Their Children's Multiple Intelligences

In this study, 156 participants, predominantly White British adults (M age = 44.3 years) rated themselves on overall IQ and on H. Gardner's (1983) 7 intelligence subtypes. Parents (n = 120) also estimated the intelligence of their children. Men's self-estimates were significantly higher than women's (110.15 vs. 104.84). Participants thought their verbal, mathematical, and spatial intelligence scores were the best indicators of their own overall intelligence. Parents estimated that their sons had significantly higher IQs than their daughters (115.21 vs. 107.49). Self-estimates and estimates of children's multiple intelligences were higher for men and sons, significantly so for logical-mathematical and spatial intelligence. Parents rated 2nd-born daughters as having significantly higher verbal and musical intelligence than their male counterparts. Higher parental IQ self-estimates corresponded with higher IQ estimates for children. Results for 1st-born children were clearest and showed the most significant differences. The findings are interpreted in terms of sociocultural and familial influences and the possibility of actual sex differences in particular abilities.     

Zulu mothers' beliefs about their own and their children's intelligence

Zulu women (N = 133) were given a structural interview concerning their own and their children's multiple intelligences. The best predictor of their own self-estimated overall intelligence rating was mathematical and spatial intelligence. Mothers showed few significant differences in their estimates of their sons and daughters' overall or multiple intelligences. However, they rated their daughters' interpersonal intelligence higher than those of their sons, and their sons' bodily-kinesthetic intelligence higher than those of their daughters. The mothers believed that overall their children were about 6 IQ points more intelligent than themselves. Although mothers estimated their own spatial, inter-, and intrapersonal intelligence to be higher than those of their children, they also believed that their children had higher mathematical intelligence.     

Parents think their sons are brighter than their daughters: sex differences in parental self-estimations and estimations of their children's multiple intelligences

In this study, 156 participants, predominantly White British adults (M age = 44.3 years) rated themselves on overall IQ and on H. Gardner's (1983) 7 intelligence subtypes. Parents (n = 120) also estimated the intelligence of their children. Men's self-estimates were significantly higher than women's (110.15 vs. 104.84). Participants thought their verbal, mathematical, and spatial intelligence scores were the best indicators of their own overall intelligence. Parents estimated that their sons had significantly higher IQs than their daughters (115.21 vs. 107.49). Self-estimates and estimates of children's multiple intelligences were higher for men and sons, significantly so for logical-mathematical and spatial intelligence. Parents rated 2nd-born daughters as having significantly higher verbal and musical intelligence than their male counterparts. Higher parental IQ self-estimates corresponded with higher IQ estimates for children. Results for 1st-born children were clearest and showed the most significant differences. The findings are interpreted in terms of sociocultural and familial influences and the possibility of actual sex differences in particular abilities.     

Sex differences in estimating multiple intelligences in self and others: A replication in Russia

This was a crosscultural study that focused on sex differences in self‐ and other‐estimates of multiple intelligences (including 10 that were specified by Gardner, 1999 and three by Sternberg, 1988) as well as in an overall general intelligence estimate. It was one of a programmatic series of studies done in over 30 countries that has demonstrated the female “humility” and male “hubris” effect in self‐estimated and other‐estimated intelligence. Two hundred and thirty Russian university students estimated their own and their parents’ overall intelligence and “multiple intelligences.” Results revealed no sex difference in estimates of overall intelligence for both self and parents, but men rated themselves higher on spatial intelligence. This contradicted many previous findings in the area which have shown that men rate their own overall intelligence and mathematical intelligence significantly higher than do women. Regressions indicated that estimates of verbal, logical, and spatial intelligences were the best predictors of estimates of overall intelligence, which is a consistent finding over many studies. Regressions also showed that participants’ openness to experience and self‐respect were good predictors of intelligence estimates. A comparison with a British sample showed that Russians gave higher mother estimates, and were less likely to believe that IQ tests measure intelligence. Results were discussed in relation to the influence of gender role stereotypes on lay conception of intelligence across cultures.     

Sex and culture differences in perceptions of estimated multiple intelligence for self and family: A Macanese1Portuguese comparison

Differences in sex and culture between Macanese and Portuguese university students in self and parental estimations of IQ were examined using Gardner's ( 1999 ) list of 10 multiple intelligences. A total of 197 Macanese (90 male and 107 female) and 331 Portuguese (139 male and 192 female) students participated in the investigation. The following hypotheses were tested: it was anticipated that there would be sex differences in self‐rated mathematical and spatial intelligence, with men giving higher self‐estimates than women; it was predicted that there would be cultural differences between Macanese and Portuguese, with the former awarding themselves and their parents significantly lower scores than the latter; participants would rate their fathers as more intelligent overall than their mothers; the best predictors of overall (g) IQ would be logical/mathematical, spatial, and verbal intelligence. In contrast to previous results (Furnham, 2001 ), when examined separately, gender differences in both self‐estimates and parents estimates did not occur in the Macanese sample. There were, however, consistent and clear culture differences. Portuguese gave higher self and family ratings than Macanese, as expected. Portuguese rated their verbal, body kinetic, interpersonal, intrapersonal, and naturalistic intelligence higher than did Macanese. Portuguese rated verbal, mathematical, spatial, interpersonal, intrapersonal, existential, and naturalistic father's intelligence higher than did Macanese. Portuguese rated verbal, mathematical, spatial, musical, interpersonal, intrapersonal, existential, spiritual, and naturalistic mother's intelligence higher than did Macanese. Participants of both cultures rated overall intelligence of their father higher than that of their mother. This was also to be expected as previous studies have shown this to be the case in terms of gender stereotyping. In both cultures verbal and interpersonal intelligences predict overall intelligence. However, in Macao, body‐kinetic and intrapersonal intelligences, and in Portugal logical and naturalistic intelligences, also predict overall intelligence. Implications of these results for education and self‐presentations are considered.     

Japanese parents' estimates of their own and their children's multiple intelligences: Cultural modesty and moderate differentiation

Abstract:  A total of 198 Japanese parents completed a questionnaire concerning their own and their children's estimated overall general (g), and multiple intelligences. Japanese parents' self-estimates were somewhat lower than those found in the Western populations but males (fathers) rated their own overall "g" score and seven Gardner multiple intelligences, significantly higher than did females (mothers). There were few sex differences, however, when parents rated sons or daughters. Parents' own IQ estimate was the best predictor of the first (eldest) child's estimated IQ. A regression analysis indicated that the best predictors of self-estimated overall "g" intelligence were self-estimated verbal and numeric intelligences. Children's age and sex, and parents' age and sex, were all non-significant predictors of the overall "g" score estimates of the first two children. There were no sex differences in experience of, or attitudes towards, intelligence testing. A number of cultural differences were found compared with other studies in Western cultures.     

Estimating one's own and one's relatives' multiple intelligence: a study from Argentina

Participants from Argentina (N = 217) estimated their own, their partner's, their parents' and their grandparents' overall and multiple intelligences. The Argentinean data showed that men gave higher overall estimates than women (M = 110.4 vs. 105.1) as well as higher estimates on mathematical and spatial intelligence. Participants thought themselves slightly less bright than their fathers (2 IQ points) but brighter than their mothers (6 points), their grandfathers (8 points), but especially their grandmothers (11 points). Regressions showed that participants thought verbal and mathematical IQ to be the best predictors of overall IQ. Results were broadly in agreement with other studies in the area. A comparison was also made with British data using the same questionnaire. British participants tended to give significantly higher self-estimates than for relatives, though the pattern was generally similar. Results are discussed in terms of the studies in the field.     

Sex differences in the estimated intelligence of school children

This study investigated sex differences in estimated general and multiple intelligence in school children, their parents, and their teachers. There were three groups of participants: 285 (149 female, 136 male) pupils of a mixed government‐run comprehensive school, between the ages of 13 and 16 years; 93 mothers and 58 fathers of the pupils; and five female and eight male teachers. Children estimated their own and their parents' IQ, whilst the parents estimated their own and their children's IQ; the teachers estimated only the children's intelligence. The aims of this study were firstly to assess whether perceptions of male intellectual superiority were observable in school age children and school teachers, and to make direct comparisons between the children's self‐estimations and those of the parents and the teachers. Secondly, this study aimed to replicate previous literature on adult self‐estimations of overall and multiple intelligences, and to compare these to estimations by children of these adults (their parents). Fewer sex differences were observed than expected. Teachers' estimations did not follow conceptions of male superiority. The patterns of sex differences in mother and teacher estimations of children were similar to each other, as were those of fathers and children. Verbal and numerical abilities were found to be most closely related to estimations of overall IQ in all three groups. Most striking was the lack of correlation between father and daughter estimations of each other. Reasons why this study failed to replicate findings on adult samples are discussed. Copyright © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Estimating One's Own and Others' Multiple Intelligence: A Cross-Cultural Study from Guinea Bissau and Portugal

This study examined the estimations of multiple intelligences for self, partner and parents. One hundred and fifty two students (males = 81, females = 68, and 3 have not indicated their sex; mean age = 24.02, SD = 3.08) from Guinea Bissau estimated their own, their partners', and their parents' IQ scores on each of Gardner's ten multiple intelligences: verbal (linguistic), logical (mathematical), spatial, musical, body-kinesthetic, interpersonal, intrapersonal, existential, spiritual and naturalistic. In contrast to previous results (A. Furnham, 2001) sex differences in self-estimates did not occur in this Guinean sample. Participants rated overall intelligence of their father higher than that of their mother. An existing data set on estimates of intelligence in a Portuguese sample was used for a cross-cultural comparison between Portuguese and Guinean participants. There were consistent and clear culture differences. Guinean gave higher self, partner and family ratings than Portuguese. Results are discussed in terms of the growing literature in the self-estimates of intelligence, as well as limitations of that approach.     

Sex and cross-cultural differences in the estimated multi-faceted intelligence quotient score for self, parents and siblings

Over four hundred young people from Britain, Hawaii and Singapore estimated their own, their parents and their siblings IQ score on each of Gardner (1983) fundamental human intelligences: verbal (linguistic), logical (mathematical), spatial, musical, body-kinesthetic, interpersonal and intrapersonal. They also answered six simple questions concerning intelligence tests. There were both cultural and sex differences in the estimation of overall own intelligence score. Males gave higher scores than females (109 vs 107) while the British gave the highest score (109) compared with the Singaporeans (106) and Hawaiians (104). Factor analysis of the seven dimensions yielded either a two or three factor solution, the latter being verbal (verbal, inter-intrapersonal), mathematical (mathematical and spatial), and musical (musical, body-kinesthetic). There were consistent sex differences in the estimations of the three factors for self, but not of parents, and only marginally of sisters. Males more than females, and the British more than the other groups, were more likely to believe in sex and race difference in intelligence.     

Parents' estimations of their own intelligence and that of their children: a comparison between English and Icelandic parents

In this study, 158 parents (79 fathers and 79 mothers) with a mean age of 38.3 yrs (SD = 8.2), estimated their own, and their children's, overall intelligence as well as their children's score on the 12 intelligence scales from the Wechsler's Intelligence Scale for Children (WISC-III). The sample included English (n = 122) and Icelandic parents (n = 36), and a comparison between them showed few differences except that Icelandic parents' estimates were lower than English parents' estimates. The results showed fathers estimated their own overall intelligence higher than mothers estimated theirs and sons were estimated higher than daughters on overall intelligence. Two factors (verbal, performance) of intelligence were identified through factor analysis of the ratings of the 12 WISC subscale score estimates. A hierarchical regression showed that these two factors explained most of the variance in the estimation of the child's overall intelligence; however, gender of child and parents' self-estimated own overall intelligence added incremental variance.     

Avoiding Disappointment or Fulfilling Expectation: A Study of Gender,Academic Achievement,and Family Functioning among Hong Kong Adolescents

This paper explores the relationship between gender, academic achievement, and family functioning in a Chinese cultural background. Primary and secondary school students (n?=?1597) in Hong Kong participated in a survey questionnaire. Two competing hypotheses are derived and empirically tested based on the idea that parents are likely to have higher expectations toward their sons. First, when boys perform well academically, their parents might not feel particularly overjoyed because their sons simply achieved what they were expected to, which would not affect the parents’ attitudes within the family and thus the boys’ perceptions of the family. Second, when parents have such high expectations for their sons, they would feel particularly satisfied when the outcome fulfills their high expectations. The results indicated that boys did well academically to prevent their parents from potential disappointment, whereas parents were actually happier if their daughters overachieve because they have lower initial expectations. Such differences affected parents’ attitudes, family functioning, and thus adolescents’ view of family. The results of this study carry implications for the study of family functioning and parenting among Chinese families. In particular, parents should avoid having gender-based expectations toward their children, which could adversely affect how boys view their family.     

Parents' disclosure of their own concerns to their adolescent children

This study examines middle-aged parents' disclosure about their own lives and current concerns, with their late-adolescent children. Three hundred seventy-two parents of college freshmen, averaging 47 years of age, participated by filling out an anonymous questionnaire that asked about 28 topics, varying in intimacy, of concern to adults. The subjects indicated whether they had discussed each topic with their child, and, if they had, the motivations that prompted them to do so. The data revealed that mothers disclosed more than did fathers, and they were more likely to cite “venting,”“asking advice,” and “seeking emotional support” as reasons for disclosure; fathers were more likely to cite “trying to change his/her behavior” as a rationale for disclosure. Child's gender did not affect disclosure rates, but sons and daughters were disclosed to for different reasons. Divorced parents disclosed more than did parents from continuously intact families, and they cited somewhat different reasons for disclosure.     

Parent-child relations and orientations toward sport

Same-sex (mother-daughter, father-son) and cross-sex (mother-son, father-daughter) parent-child relationships were examined with regard to whether these social interactions were differentially related to children's orientations toward sport. “Winning” and “achievement” were defined as traditional male sport orientations while “fair play” and “everyone participates” were viewed as traditional female sport orientations. The theory of parent-child interaction developed suggested that parents as a result of their own sex-role socialization transmit their own sex-value orientations to their same-sex children, but nonsex-linked sport orientations to their cross-sex children. Comparisons were made among 898 male and 800 female adolescents who participated in a nationally sponsored youth sports program. The analysis revealed that mother-son relationships were associated with more traditional female sport orientations in boys; contrary to expectation, father-daughter relationships were also related to stronger female sport orientations in girls. Explanations for why both parents may reinforce traditional sex-linked orientations in their daughters, but not their sons, are discussed.     

Sadness, Anger, and Frustration: Gendered Patterns in Early Adolescents’ and Their Parents’ Emotion Talk

The present study was designed to investigate gender patterns in early adolescents’ and their parents’ verbal expression of three gender-stereotyped emotions: anger, sadness, and frustration. Parents and their early adolescent children discussed four interpersonal dilemmas and answered questions regarding those dilemmas in mother–child and father–child dyads. Consistent with previous literature regarding gender stereotypes in emotion expression, daughters used a higher frequency of emotion words than sons did during conversations with their mothers and fathers. Additional analyses regarding the three specific emotions under investigation, however, revealed findings that were inconsistent with conventional gender stereotypes. Contrary to expectations, in conversations with fathers, sons used a higher proportion of references to sadness than did daughters. Daughters used a higher proportion of references to frustration than did sons in their conversations with both mothers and fathers. Mothers and fathers used a higher proportion of references to frustration with daughters than with sons. No gender differences were found in parents’ or children’s references to anger. The results call into question culturally accepted gender stereotypes about sadness, anger, and frustration.     

Parental investment in schooling: Evidence from a subsistence farming community in South Africa

Interviews were carried out amongst a cohort of 488 parents who lived as subsistence farmers in a remote and very poorly resourced region of South Africa. The majority of respondents had invested heavily in the education of their children, contrary to what might have been predicted from large family sizes and the economic and ecological pressures that families faced. There was little evidence of child specialization, in which educational investment might have been targeted more to some children than others in a family. However, relatively wide birth spacing may have made the financial and opportunity costs of schooling more manageable. This speculation is given some support by two findings: first, that the number of grades of schooling children complete before leaving increases significantly as birth spacing increases; second, that children who are still in school progress more rapidly as birth interval increases. Greater opportunities for the schooling of sons (made possible by low rates of migrant labour in the community), coupled with high opportunity costs associated with the schooling of daughters, made it likely that sons would be educated to a higher level than daughters. However, there was consistent evidence for gender equity in schooling patterns. This is attributed to the lower risk of financial and opportunity losses that are associated with rearing daughters in this particular community. Birth order exerted only modest effects on the decisions parents made about schooling their offspring. The investment strategy as a whole could be interpreted as “bet‐hedging” under conditions where events outside parental control prevented them from targeting investment to children who could be readily identified as having favourable educational and employment prospects. It is concluded that parents invest in their sons and daughters in a manner that can only be understood when the complexities of their particular social, economic, and ecological contexts are taken into account.     

Intelligence in Hong Kong measured for Spearman's g and the visuospatial and verbal primaries

Values for Spearman's g for Hong Kong are calculated from data derived from the administration of Raven's Standard Progressive Matrices to several thousand children. The results indicate that the mean IQ in Hong Kong for the mid 1980s is approximately 108 in relation to a Caucasian mean of 100 for the United States and the United Kingdom. Values for the spatial and perceptual speed primaries are also substantially higher in Hong Kong. On the other hand Hong Kong children are relatively weak on the word fluency primary. The pattern of abilities of Chinese Hong Kong children is broadly similar to that obtained on other Mongoloid populations.