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1.
萧公是元末明初肇兴于江西省新干县大洋洲的水府之神,自肇迹以来,屡受崇封,并得到广泛传播。本文以天启二年(1622)《大洋洲萧侯庙志》为基本资料,在细致解析士大夫所撰记文的基础上,辅以地方志、《明史》、《明实录》等史料,探讨萧公谱系的建构过程,认为萧公信仰的建构是上层士大夫群体合力推动的结果,尤其是以吉安府和临江府为主体的士大夫阶层是萧公信仰建构的主导力量,并随其宦迹所至而得到广泛传播。  相似文献   

2.
宝卷是唐、五代变文、讲经文演变而成的一种传播宗教的艺术形式,是独立于佛经、道藏外的另一中国传统宗教的经典。财神信仰与中国民间信仰联系紧密。在中国民间的信仰体系中,不仅有《财神宝卷》的流传,财神信仰也与其他民间神明关系密切。民间流传着太上老君化身财神的传说,江西地区亦将水神萧公视为财神。神明之间的相互转化,是中国民间信仰的有趣现象。  相似文献   

3.
晏公为江西著名水神之一,元末明初已存在,后受封平浪侯。与临江府萧公不一样,晏公信仰起源与道教净明道所倡孝道关系密切。其"神霄玉府都督大元帅"封号、黄箓大斋神位、尸解以及传说等都与道教密不可分。随着明初封号,特别是阴佑使节出使、漕运畅顺等,江淮乃至辽东一带,晏公封号赐额不断,官方祭祀日隆。而官兵、移民等,也促使晏公信仰不断从长江中下游向甘肃、宁夏、贵州、云南、岭南等地区扩展,各地晏公庙宇广布。  相似文献   

4.
段赤城本主信仰,源于大理地域社会的斩蟒英雄神话与历史记忆,有关段赤城"故事"的社会历史记忆,大量保存于文物碑铭、历代地方文献、民间传说和村落祭祀仪式之中。对段赤城信仰文化遗存、云南地方文献中段赤城叙事、段赤城信仰与庙宇分布的系统梳理与考察,厘清了段赤城在地方传统与国家祀典的互构中"由人而圣,由圣而神"的神化历程。植根于大理地域文化的段赤城信仰,为白族本主信仰的研究提供了典型案例,是理解大理地域文化起源、形成与发展的新视角。  相似文献   

5.
道教山岳崇拜渊源于中国古代原始宗教与巫术,后来又因受到神仙信仰和封建社会国家祭祀宗教的影响而初成。道教将山岳崇拜吸收进自己的信仰体系后,加以内化、升华,与"道"信仰、修真思想和修真实践紧密融合,构成道教文化特色之一。  相似文献   

6.
宗教与政治有着密切的现实关联。明初扶持正统宗教与镇压白莲教等民间秘密宗教的政策使庐山传统佛教信仰中心——东林寺由修复走向没落。而帝王在庐山的神灵塑造活动使天池寺骤然兴起,地方信仰在此基础上得到重构。明中后期,庐山天池寺的国家祭祀活动逐渐泛化为普遍的民间信仰,天池寺成为新的地方佛教信仰中心。这一个案说明明初宗教依附于政治,神权从属于皇权的政教关系得到进一步深化。在国家强化宗教控制的过程中,庐山佛教信仰中心的空间转换与信仰重构使地方信仰成功纳入新兴王朝规制之中,国家由此实现了对宗教及地方社会的有力控制。  相似文献   

7.
正中华基督教青年会、女青年会的先贤们在新中国成立后不久,就主动把基督教青年会、女青年会的命运与祖国命运紧紧相连,把中国基督教的信仰深深根植于新中国的土壤里,积极倡导和推动了中国基督教三自爱国运动,带领中国基督教会把基督教信仰与参与祖国建设相结合,把基督教信仰与推动社会发展相结合,真正地活出了信仰,并见证了坚持基督教信仰与爱国主义的表  相似文献   

8.
当代民众信仰状况及其相关因素的心理学研究   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
为研究当代民众的信仰状况及其相关因素,采用自行设计的调查问卷对745名天津市民进行测量。结果显示:不同类别人群在信仰追求上存在非常显著的差异。物质信仰、伦理信仰与年龄有显著的正相关,精神信仰基本上不存在年龄差异。精神信仰和国家社会信仰与文化程度存在非常显著的正相关,而物质信仰、伦理信仰和宗教信仰均与文化程度存在非常显著的负相关。精神信仰和国家社会信仰与社会安定意识呈正相关,物质信仰和宗教信仰与社会安定意识呈负相关。  相似文献   

9.
曹琳 《宗教学研究》2005,(3):126-129
兴盛于东南沿海尤其闽台地区的天后信仰,六百年前因封建国家经济行为的需要传播天津.然而随着历史发展,天津天后信仰于内容及性质上出现明显变异,又在近代社会环境动荡冲击下,显现出与闽台信仰的生命力差距,文章旨在对这些现象及原因进行深入探讨.  相似文献   

10.
民国时期的乡村教徒以当地方式信仰、礼敬天主、耶稣、玛利亚、圣人与天使,但懂得只有天主是最终的依赖者,大部分教徒不懂与天主进行交流,信仰目的兼有世俗功利性与信仰功利性,宗教活动中加入本地宗教活动内容,其信仰已相当程度上本土化,但其崇拜对象、信仰方式、宗教活动都尚在天主教教义的范围之内。与知识分子教徒相比,他们的信仰知识有限,缺乏救世、奉献精神,他们的信仰是天主教文化与中国乡土文化互相交流、融合而成的新信仰,具有西方天主教没有的新特征。  相似文献   

11.
唐朝武庙是祭祀姜太公为代表的历代军事家的庙宇。武庙最初源自由姜太公个人崇拜的太公庙。唐朝开创武庙国家祭祀之先河是军功崇拜的最主要体现。唐朝武庙祭祀体系完整,礼仪规格同于文庙。虽然武庙地位在唐朝亦有反复,但举国上下对姜太公的崇拜却一以贯之。武庙倡扬了唐朝武风,对后世产生了深刻影响。  相似文献   

12.
Students of Ming philosophy and the thought of Wang Yangming likely know that the 1960s–1970s was a period during which many scholarships in this field of study were produced in the English language. Indeed, it has been almost half a century since a group of scholars came together at the University of Hawaii to present papers on Wang Yangming in commemoration of the fifth centenary of his birth. That group included, for example, Wing-tsit Chan, David Nivison, and Du Weiming. These scholars, along with two others not present—Julia Ching and Carsun Chang—played a transformative role in introducing Wang Yangming to an English-reading audience. But, the history behind their achievement, as well as how they interpreted him for that audience, has yet to be written. This paper provides a synopsis of that history, explaining why the scholars chose to write about him and what they said about his life and ideas.  相似文献   

13.
This article continues a discussion begun in Part One. Together they re-examine the central thesis of Professor John Hull's (1975) book, School Worship, An Obituary, that the practice of worship in school is inappropriate. He attempted to establish his thesis through the analysis of the concept of education and of the concept of worship, and thus to show their essential incompatibility. Part One reviewed what an incompatibility might mean in the school context. After all, many diverse activities are pursued during the school day that, practically speaking, could not be done simultaneously in the same room. His thesis must be taken in the stronger form that, theoretically, the sense of education and the sense of worship are such that the two activities together are conceptually incoherent. The earlier article also reviewed his analysis of the concept of education. It questioned his definition and showed that it hinged on some of the dubious assumptions of an evidentialist philosophy. A better view of understanding and pedagogy might actually require the practise of worship in school. If it is the intention of our society to communicate the substance of religious life to the young, training them in worship may be the best, if not the only, way to do this. The features of education that Hull has identified have been selected for their rhetorical force. They appear to challenge what are assumed to be essential features of worship. Whether they do so in fact will depend on one's understanding of worship, but in what follows, his key assumptions about worship are put to the test and found wanting. Part Two, therefore, investigates Hull's understanding of worship. It finds that he believes a prior unconditional commitment to the belief 'God exists' is of the essence of worship. For him, it is this commitment that puts it at odds with education which he believes must scrutinise everything. The arguments against Hull here are designed to show that he is mistaken in his understanding of worship. Practices do not develop on the formation of belief systems first. Furthermore, religiously speaking, worship actually embraces a radical questioning. Finally, his assumption that there is a logical incompatibility in having an unconditional commitment and in embracing the practice of radical questioning is tested against the figure of Socrates. In the life of Socrates one can see how piety and educational practice belong together in such a way that one is the expression of the other. It is concluded that the nature of education and worship are at stake. These may have changed in such a way that they can no longer be pursued together. But there was a time when education flowered into worship, and worship found its substance in education. Hull's case concerning their intrinsic conceptual incoherence through philosophical analysis does not succeed. He has only shown us how our world has changed, and that, not necessarily for the better.  相似文献   

14.
Alternatives to classical psychoanalytic theory and technique have existed in the form of various "deviant" schools, all of which have found that contemporary conflict theory fails to achieve good results with the patients they treat. While the principles of interpersonal, self-psychological, intersubjective and relational schools are reasonably well known through the psychoanalytic literature, the opportunity to examine detailed analytic accounts by classical analysts has only recently become possible. The publication of full case reports has recently become a feature of the traditionally based psychoanalytic journals. This paper makes use of a recent volume of the Psychoanalytic Quarterly to examine the interpretations made during a lengthy analysis of a male patient struggling with his ambivalence about marrying his fiancée. The analyst repeatedly attributes his patient's reluctance to marry and negative feelings about his fiancée as determined by his unconscious conflation of his mother and his fiancée. The author attempts to demonstrate the derailment of the patient by these interpretations. They prevent him from solidifying his own judgment and, in so doing, prevent him from taking suitable action. An alternative approach to the material of the case is presented, including very different interpretations that would, in the author's opinion, liberate the patient rather than derail him from achieving his life goals.  相似文献   

15.
王徵散论     
王徵(1571─1644)是明末天主教徒、维新派和机械工程学家,但长期以来为旧史学家所忽视。本文认为宋伯胤先生《明泾阳王徵先生年谱》一书,对王徵的科学成就和宗教信仰做出了公正的评价,恢复了他在历史上应有的地位。并从王徵的思想、政治经历,探讨了天主教信仰对他的影响,以及中西文化融合的可能与途径。  相似文献   

16.
Many psychoanalysts base their understanding of paranoia upon Freud's analysis of Schreber. Freud thought Schreber became paranoid as a "defense" against homosexual love. Freud, and those who analyzed Schreber after him, neglected an important source of data — the writings of Schreber's father about child-rearing. The father had been an eminent German pedagogue.
I show some striking similarities between the father's methods of rearing children and some of the son's strange experiences for which he was considered paranoid.I infer from reading the father's writings that he persecuted Schreber. Schreber did not imagine he was persecuted; he was persecuted.
I propose a transactional theory of paranoia to explain Schreber's experiences. I link his experiences with his father's behavior. I part company here with all previous analyses of Schreber's paranoia. If my theory also explains other cases of paranoia, its effects could, and should be widespread.  相似文献   

17.
汪琴 《世界宗教研究》2012,(4):131-141,192
宗教身份是指某宗教团体(派别)及其信徒在世俗社会中所处的地位。在基督教传入罗马前,各宗教间保持着和平共处的态势。其时,拥有某宗教身份不会影响人们的法律地位。但随着基督教的出现,这种情况改变了。帝政初期,他教信仰者因憎恶基督徒而对其迫害。因基督教身份,基督徒或被剥夺市民身份降为外邦人;或被剥夺自由身份降为奴隶。此时,宗教身份是人格变更的因素。而当基督教成为帝国国教时,信仰正统的基督教则成为完整人格的构成要素。凡信仰正统基督教则享有完整的权利能力;反之则具体权利能力受限,但不会导致身份的剥夺。  相似文献   

18.
The authors of this essay originally hypothesized that Abravanel was attracted to Halevi with his heart, as it were, but in the end was forced back into the Maimonidean fold by his intellect. However it became clear that Abravanel was much closer to Halevi than we originally thought. Both Abravanel and Halevi distinguish between the realm in which philosophic naturalism, science, and intellect reign and the realm in which prophecy reigns. Philosophy, science, and intellect have much to contribute to the first realm (and thus it is unfair to characterize either of them as anti-rationalist) but—and here Abravanel and Halevi differ crucially from Maimonides—they have nothing to contribute to the second realm. Maimonides had earned an immovable place in the heart of Judaism. His radical interpreters, who according to Abravanel were not always wrong, presented a figure who was dangerous to the beliefs of the average Jews. His response was complex: where he could, he rescued a conservative Maimonides from the clutches of his radical expositors; where he could not, he often ignored Maimonides’ dangerous views while presenting a more traditional picture of Judaism, a picture very close to that presented by Halevi. Nevertheless, he cited Halevi only rarely for two reasons: First, Abravanel accepted much of what Halevi taught as simply the correct interpretation of Judaism. Second, too much reliance on Halevi might draw attention to the fact that Maimonides often disagreed with him, and, by implication, with the teachings of Torah as properly understood. Abravanel’s great intellectual honesty forced him to admit this on various occasions.  相似文献   

19.
Abstract:  Three areas of Zizioulas's theology are considered: his doctrine of God, where the weight placed on the causative and unifying primordiality of the Father is considered for its effects on the cohesion of the triune communion; his soteriology, where a sustained ambiguity about the nature of creaturehood as such – given and 'restricted' by its beginningness – when coupled with a particular concept of theosis raises concern about the distinct integrity of creation; and his Christology where Zizioulas's preference for the triune relations of origin over the divine economy leads him to a grounding of the being of Christ in his divine hypostasis. In conclusion connections are sketched between these three theologumena and a brief suggestion is offered.  相似文献   

20.
Ofelia Schutte's relationship to Nietzsche is contentious. Sometimes she identifies him as an ally. Sometimes she calls him an enemy. Appealing to Nietzsche's abolition of the appearance reality distinction and to his discussions of women as skeptics, I turn to Ofelia's discussions of the Madres de la Plaza de Mayo to suggest that their protests can be understood as a Nietzschean politics of transvaluation where the myth of the mother and the materialities of women's bodies become the ground of the demand for justice.  相似文献   

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