论行政许可的合理定位

行政许可是政府干预经济、管理社会的一项基本制度,是现代国家公共行政的重要手段之一.完善行政许可制度,需要探寻行政许可的合理定位,把握好三个方面的关系:一是权利与权力的合理调适;二是政府职权责任与市场机制功能的有机发挥;三是公共利益维护与私人利益保障的协调兼顾.     

单病种收费的理论与哲学分析

从价值论、会计成本论,角度来看,单病种收费都不符合基本理论.在很大意义上,这种制度是迎合了一种社会公众心态而设置的一种理想主义的收费改革方式.收费制度不是一种单纯的行政行为,而是一种基于医疗会计成本的制度体系,为克服某种收费制度的弊端,提出一种脱离会计成本和一般哲学意义的主观收费制度是唯心主义和形而上学的思辨方式.     

取消药品加成政策对医疗费用的影响

政府取消医院药品加成政策,增加对医院的补贴,增设药事服务费的做法在降低医疗费用方面难以取得理想效果,因为药品加成政策只是医疗费用高的表面原因,医疗费用高的真正原因是医疗系统的垄断,降低医疗费用必须采取包括放松政府管制、引进民间资本、维护医疗市场秩序、理顺医疗服务价格等综合措施.     

单病种收费的理论与哲学分析

从价值论、会计成本论,角度来看,单病种收费都不符合基本理论。在很大意义上,这种制度是迎合了一种社会公众心态而设置的一种理想主义的收费改革方式。收费制度不是一种单纯的行政行为,而是一种基于医疗会计成本的制度体系,为克服某种收费制度的弊端,提出一种脱离会计成本和一般哲学意义的主观收费制度是唯心主义和形而上学的思辨方式。     

取消药品加成政策对医疗费用的影响

政府取消医院药品加成政策,增加对医院的补贴,增设药事服务费的做法在降低医疗费用方面难以取得理想效果,因为药品加成政策只是医疗费用高的表面原因,医疗费用高的真正原因是医疗系统的垄断,降低医疗费用必须采取包括放松政府管制、引进民间资本、维护医疗市场秩序、理顺医疗服务价格等综合措施。     

论契约合作化解公立医院改革中的利益矛盾

梳理契约历史渊源,从方法学角度分析契约本质,结合医学文化传统引入医疗契约概念;分析公立医院利益矛盾问题表象与本质,将契约方法作为建构医疗公共制度的支点。立足医疗的利益协调和制度建设,剖析医疗契约对公立医院改革的意义与启示,提出以契约合作化解公立医院改革利益矛盾,并进一步提出相关对策:划分主体责权利,厘清利益关系;加强契约合作相关配套措施的建设,理清合作障碍;明晰契约合作原则,合理运用医疗契约合作进路。     

公立医院按病种收费方式的主要类型及其特点

按项目收费方式转变为按病种收费方式,是我国公立医院收费方式改革的重要方向。公立医院按病种收费方式本质上是一种医疗服务定价机制。目前探索的公立医院按病种收费方式主要分为三种类型:一是按病种限额收费方式,二是按病种定额收费方式,三是按病种混合收费方式。以结算机制为视角,从控制医疗费用和保障医疗质量两个方面,分析了按病种收费方式改革模式的利弊,揭示了按病种收费方式改革运行机制的扭曲,进而提出按病种收费方式改革的合理途径和配套制度,为公立医院收费方式改革的路径选择提供理论参考。     

高校贫困生的个性特征及心理健康状况

随着我国市场经济的发展及高校收费制度的改革,1994年来高校招生并轨制度开始实行,高校收费攀高。部分来自农村或城市贫困家庭的大学生,经济压力增大。     

全球化语境下的宗教认同与公民身份互动分析

全球化时代下,现代国家大都面临着多元宗教共存的社会现实,这就形成了以宗教为载体的次级共同体与以公民身份为载体的统一国家共同体之间相互融合,不断调适的互动.直接表现为,公民群体在具有多重身份、多重认同取向的时候进行身份选择的情形,其要点在于“宗教多元的公民社会与国家统一的平衡关系问题”.而在此身份选择的进程中,宗教认同与公民身份认同形成了“一体双元”互动模式,即以利益-制度关系为基础赞同与否互动和以文化-心理关系为基础的归属与否互动.     

论我国职工医疗保健制度的社会化

在社会保障制度中,我国职工医疗保健制度的改革明显滞后,现行的职工医疗保健制度,主要采取国家或企业统包的形式,社会化程度低;近年来的医疗制度的改革,基本上是在维持原有的依赖财政和企业包办的体制下,将医疗费用与职工个人、定点医院及享受单位的利益挂钩,未能在体制上、管理运行和约束机制上,转向社会统筹互济与个人自我保障相结合的社会医疗保健制度。不同人群所享受的医疗待遇差别很大,扩大了卫生资源运用的不合理性,因此,加快我国职工医疗保健制度的社会化势在必行。     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.