卫生政策走向与公共健康及其伦理思考

政府通过决策决定卫生政策,卫生政策对于公共健康具有导向和引领作用.卫生政策走向直接影响公共健康,决定公共健康的发展方向.卫生政策与公共健康的关系是因果关系,前者决定后者.卫生政策需要有伦理学基础和伦理学专家的伦理论证,坚持公正、公平、公益的原则.     

卫生政策走向与公共健康及其伦理思考

政府通过决策决定卫生政策,卫生政策对于公共健康具有导向和引领作用。卫生政策走向直接影响公共健康,决定公共健康的发展方向。卫生政策与公共健康的关系是因果关系,前者决定后者。卫生政策需要有伦理学基础和伦理学专家的伦理论证,坚持公正、公平、公益的原则。     

公共健康伦理的公益性原则刍议

从厘清公共卫生和公共健康的关系出发,基于相关概念演变、理论研究现状、伦理价值"目的善"的角度论证凸显公共健康的核心地位。谈及公益性是公共健康伦理研究内在的价值追求,但公共健康实践中存在着公益性缺失特别是时下热点事件发生所暴露出的问题更是说明公共健康伦理强调公益性的伦理正当;同时强调公共健康的公益性对于体现人的尊严、缓和伦理冲突、维护社会正义又具有伦理应当性。为此,试从重视伦理冲突和解、责任共同体建立、关注国民健康素养提升等方面探索公共健康伦理公益性回归的突破口。     

论我国公共伦理研究的三个向度及其基本范式

我国学界关于公共伦理的研究存在三个既相互区别又相互联系的研究向度,即公共管理伦理的向度、市民社会伦理的向度、政治伦理的向度,与之相应的基本理论范式是公共利益范式、公共领域范式以及公共性范式.厘清三个向度及其基本理论范式之间的区别和联系,是公共伦理学研究的基础理论问题.     

公共卫生实践中诸主体的道德责任

公共卫生伦理的实质是维护公共健康的道德责任,明确其实践诸主体的具体道德责任,即政府应当尽力提供与公正分配公共卫生资源,公众应当追求公共善基础上的合法权利,卫生职业者应当献身职业,进而为维护和促进公共健康利益、减少和预防疾病、降低和最小化风险与伤害提供伦理支撑,也将为公共卫生实践主体提供正确的价值引导.     

一种伦理新视角：公共服务职业伦理

伴随政治领域的民主化及社会治理工具的多样化,公共服务日趋职业化,必然要求从业者遵守公共服务职业伦理规范,包括维护公共利益、为公众提供服务、承担公共责任、高尚的敬业精神。公共服务职业伦理建设需要通过加强教育与自制、制度化与法律化、伦理物质保障机制、强化监督等途径来实现。     

全球公共健康伦理的可能性及其限度

全球公共健康伦理是随着全球性公共健康危机的不断暴发和公共健康国际合作的不断发展,在关于全球生命伦理的讨论中提出来的。作为在公共健康伦理学领域为维护和增进全人类共同健康利益而寻求的一种基本道德共识,全球公共健康伦理不仅有深刻的现实和历史依据,而且有内在的人性基础和文化依据,是维护人类健康的内在道德需要。全球公共健康伦理的建立是在承认和尊重差异性和多样性的基础上寻求普遍价值和道德共识的过程,其建立的方式是以人类健康的公共理性为基础的对话和交流,其推广和发挥作用的方式是倡导。     

健康伦理视域中的人性弱点与人性尊严——兼及戒毒管理的伦理视角

吸毒等不健康行为之所以难以戒除,一是人性难抵快感诱惑和难忍戒断症状.正视这一“人性弱点”是同情、关心相关群体,减少社会歧视的认识基础;二是相关群体在歧视性环境中就业困难、在特定体制下尊严尽失也是不可忽视的因素.强调人性尊严在支撑个人履行维护行公共健康之伦理责任中的作用,是全球健康伦理应有的理论视角.     

和谐社会构建中的穷人经济伦理问题

穷人和贫富差别现象的出现,本质上反映了一个社会利益关系中的矛盾和冲突.研究穷人的经济学,不能忽视穷人的经济伦理问题.穷人经济伦理的价值原则由针对所有社会成员的应得公正原则和针对穷人和弱势人群的补偿性公正原则构成.有计划、有步骤地贯彻补偿性公正原则,实现相对的分配公正,对构建公平正义的和谐社会具有非常重要的意义.     

公共健康伦理何以可能

公共健康伦理学已有二十余年的发展历程,但公共健康伦理学的对象——公共健康伦理何以可能这一前提性的元理论问题一直没有得到正面解答,公共健康伦理学的学科合法性在很大程度上受到质疑。解答公共健康伦理何以可能的问题,应该立足于公共健康与伦理的关系,从二者之间的外在关系和内在关联两个方面寻找其所以可能的根据。公共健康伦理所以可能的外在根据,在于公共健康需要伦理导向,内在根据在于公共健康具有伦理属性。20世纪末不断爆发的公共健康危机唤起的伦理自觉,使公共健康伦理的可能性变成了现实性。     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.