“拈花微笑”与中国禅宗的“以心传心”——兼论云南鸡足山在中国佛教中地位的形成

中国禅宗的传承一直上溯至昔日灵山会上"拈花微笑"之间传佛心印的释迦牟尼佛的大弟子摩诃迦叶。云南鸡足山则被认为是摩诃迦叶的道场。从"释迦拈花,迦叶微笑"所体现的"传佛心印",到菩提达摩的"祖师西来意",再到中国禅宗"以心传心"的确立,其中既体现了中国禅宗"心"的宗教形成的脉络,也从一个侧面表现了鸡足山在中国佛教中特殊地位的形成。本文就"拈花微笑"、禅宗传法世系的确立与禅学向"心宗"的过渡之互动关系略做探讨,并以此来说明鸡足山在中国佛教中特殊地位形成的佛教中国化背景。     

《坛经月明说》出版说明

据《五灯会元》记载：“世尊在灵山法会上，拈花示众。是时众皆默然，唯迦叶尊者破颜微笑。世尊曰：‘吾有正法眼藏，涅槃妙心，实相无相，微妙法门，不立文字。教外别传。付嘱摩诃迦叶。’”     

禅宗的心灵之道

在道家和儒家之后,中国历史又产生了以慧能的《坛经》①为代表的禅宗智慧。禅宗作为佛教,不仅继承了印度大乘佛教的一些基本思想,而且甚至将自己的源头直接追溯到佛祖释迦牟尼那里。“世尊在灵山会上拈花示众。是时,众皆默然。唯迦叶尊者破颜为笑。世尊曰:吾有正法眼藏,涅磐妙心,实相无相,微妙法门,不立文字,教外别传,付嘱摩诃迦叶。”(《五灯会元》卷一)禅宗正是以心传心,惟论明心见性,因此称为佛心宗或者心宗。但禅宗有别于一般的印度佛教。与印度佛教的基本教义相比,禅宗去掉了其神秘性和思辨性,成为了一种生活的智慧。不仅如此,禅宗也不…     

禅的人生智慧

<正>"禅"是梵语"禅那(Dhyana)"的简称,译为"思惟修",又名"静虑"、"禅定"。禅宗的初始,可以追溯到昔日佛陀在灵山会上拈花示众,大众皆默然不解佛意,只有摩诃迦叶破颜微笑,与佛陀心心相印。佛陀遂告诉大众:"吾有正法眼藏,涅槃妙心,实相无相,微妙法门,不立文字,教外别传,付嘱摩诃迦叶。"(《大梵天王问佛决疑经》)梁武帝时期,禅宗第二十八代祖师菩提达摩来华,中国禅宗由     

禅与俳句

一 佛典中记载:在灵山法会上,释迦牟尼佛拈花示众,众皆默然,唯有佛陀的上首弟子摩诃迦叶尊者破颜微笑.佛陀乃以"正法眼藏,涅槃妙心,实相无相,微妙法门"付嘱摩诃迦叶尊者.     

论开悟 第十三讲 禅宗的开悟(四)

根据习惯的说法,中国的禅宗是从印度直接传过来的,在《景德传灯录》中又有"拈花公案"之记载:释迦牟尼佛在人天百万众前拈花示众,大众茫然;唯有大迦叶尊者破颜一笑……世尊便传给他"不立文字"的"正法眼藏",并付衣为证.禅宗就这样地以迦叶尊者为第一祖而代代一脉相承,且自标为"教外别传".直传到第二十八代达磨大师时,恰值中国历史上的南北朝时代.达磨于梁武帝普通七年(526)经广州而至金陵,在金陵会见了梁武帝,但语不投机,遂北行达魏,止息嵩山少林寺.壁观之余,以"二入四行观"教人.后来大师把自己在印度继承的"教外别传"的祖位授给了一个叫慧可的中国高僧,并付以《楞伽经》印心.慧可传僧璨,僧璨传道信,道信传给弘忍,弘忍最后传给了慧能大师,他是东土禅宗之第六祖.在中国佛教历史上,影响于中国佛教最大的是他,光显禅宗的是他,使佛教摆脱教条主义的是他,使佛教深入生活和中     

谁识拈花意 灵山论禅机——“禅与现代佛学研讨会”在鸡足山举行

中国佛教的特质在于禅,而禅法的流行,据佛经记载,最早可以追溯到灵山会上。相传佛祖释迦牟尼拈花示众,众皆茫然,惟大迦叶以会心的微笑获得了佛祖的禅法真传,这就是佛教禅宗史上“拈花微笑”公案。佛教传入中国后,不断与中国传统文化碰撞与融合,禅宗在中国形成了“一花开五叶”的盛况,其间,宗师辈出,禅法多样。禅宗一度成为中国佛教界最具生机和影响的宗派,禅文化也成为中国传统文化中不可或缺的组成部分。近代佛学大师太虚法师曾说过:“中国佛教的特质在于禅”。然而,明清以降,禅宗日趋颓废。如何在当下将古老的禅文化发扬光大,如何借鉴和继…     

哲学谜语与禅门公案

禅宗以心领神会、超语言、超逻辑、超仪式的"以心传心"的方式传承。从流传下来的禅宗资料看,它的史实中充满了心灵感应式的人造迷宫;从思想演绎的过程看,又像是哲学谜语,因为禅宗告诉后人的不是历史,而是智慧。最高的智慧是不用也根本不能用语言传达的,只能靠心灵的领悟。因此"佛陀拈花,迦叶微笑"就成为禅宗的典范"公案"。     

金乔觉的禅学思想

自佛陀在灵山拈花微笑，迦叶悟道，以心印心，禅学便开始流传于世。印度禅宗第二十八祖达摩大师东渡来华，将禅学传入中国。二祖、三祖均在中国的安徽建道场，弘扬佛法。后六祖惠能大师创顿教，给中国佛教注入新鲜血液，将佛教中国化，使中国佛教重焕生机，禅宗在中国自此大兴，禅学思想深入人间，兴盛至今。     

传受清净戒 住持法王城——记宁波天童禅寺传授三坛大戒法会

正浙江宁波天童禅寺为禅宗之名刹,始建于晋朝永康元年(300),宋时被册封为禅宗五山之第三,明清时代先后被册封为禅宗四大丛林之一,又是日本曹洞宗祖庭,自古就被誉为"东南佛国"。天童禅寺历史上名师辈出,屡受敕封,历来学人更以天童忏摩为荣。如今的天童禅寺为全国汉传佛教重点开放寺院,制度健全,僧团和合。今逢盛世,为秉承世尊之遗教,绍隆佛种,经中国佛教协会、浙江省民宗委批准,由浙江省佛教协会主办、宁波市天童禅寺承办,于2017年12月1     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.