Failure to overcome 'innate' fear: a developmental test of the non-associative model of fear acquisition

The non-associative, Darwinian theory of fear acquisition proposes that some individuals fail to overcome biologically-relevant fears (e.g. height) because they (1) do not have sufficient safe exposure to the relevant stimuli early in life or (2) are poor habituators who have difficulty 'learning not to fear'. These two hypotheses were tested in a longitudinal birth cohort study. Study 1 found evidence for reduced exposure to height stimuli in childhood for individuals with a fear of heights compared to study members without fear. Study 2 found evidence for higher levels of stress reactivity (a proxy for habituation) in childhood and adolescence among 18-year-old height phobics compared to study members with dental phobia and those with no fear. The results were discussed in relation to recent findings suggesting that some evolutionary-relevant fears may appear in the absence of traumatic 'learning' experiences. The merits of adding a fourth, non-associative pathway to Rachman's [Rachman, S. (1977)]. The conditioning theory of fear acquisition: a critical examination. Behaviour Research and Therapy, 15, 375-387) three pathways model of fear acquisition were briefly considered.     

Pathways to spider phobia.

Using a revised version of the Phobic Origin Questionnaire (POQ; Ost, L. G. & Hugdahl, K. Behaviour Research and Therapy, 19, 439-477; 1981), the present study examined whether conditioning experiences, modeling experiences, and/or informational learning experiences were more often reported by spider phobics (n = 41) than by non-fearful controls (n = 30). The two groups did not differ with regard to the overall frequency of conditioning or modeling events. Remarkably, the frequency of informational learning was higher among non-fearful Ss than among phobics. Although the limitations inherent to the retrospective nature of the present study should be borne in mind, the data suggest that, at least in spider phobics, conditioning events, modeling experiences, and/or informational learning do not necessarily give rise to phobic fears.     

Pathways to fear in spider phobic children

Twenty-two children with spider phobia were interviewed about the origins of their fear. More specifically, children were asked about conditioning events, modeling experiences, and negative information transmission. To evaluate the reliability of the information provided by the children, parents were independently interviewed about the origins of their children's phobias. While 46% of the children claimed to have always been afraid, 41% ascribed the onset of their fear to aversive conditioning events. The large majority of these events were confirmed by parents. These findings cast doubts on a strong version of the non-associative account of spider phobia, i.e. the idea that spider phobia is acquired in the complete absence of learning experiences.     

S-R associations, their extinction, and recovery in an animal model of anxiety: a new associative account of phobias without recall of original trauma

Associative accounts of the etiology of phobias have been criticized because of numerous cases of phobias in which the client does not remember a relevant traumatic event (i.e., Pavlovian conditioning trial), instructions, or vicarious experience with the phobic object. In three lick suppression experiments with rats as subjects, we modeled an associative account of such fears. Experiment 1 assessed stimulus-response (S-R) associations in first-order fear conditioning. After behaviorally complete devaluation of the unconditioned stimulus, the target stimulus still produced strong conditioned responses, suggesting that an S-R association had been formed and that this association was not significantly affected when the outcome was devalued through unsignaled presentations of the unconditioned stimulus. Experiments 2 and 3 examined extinction and recovery of S-R associations. Experiment 2 showed that extinguished S-R associations returned when testing occurred outside of the extinction context (i.e., renewal) and Experiment 3 found that a long delay between extinction and testing also produced a return of the extinguished S-R associations (i.e., spontaneous recovery). These experiments suggest that fears for which people cannot recall a cause are explicable in an associative framework, and indicate that those fears are susceptible to relapse after extinction treatment just like stimulus-outcome (S-O) associations.     

Children's Risky Play from an Evolutionary Perspective: The Anti-Phobic Effects of Thrilling Experiences

This theoretical article views children's risky play from an evolutionary perspective, addressing specific evolutionary functions and especially the anti-phobic effects of risky play. According to the non-associative theory, a contemporary approach to the etiology of anxiety, children develop fears of certain stimuli (e.g., heights and strangers) that protect them from situations they are not mature enough to cope with, naturally through infancy. Risky play is a set of motivated behaviors that both provide the child with an exhilarating positive emotion and expose the child to the stimuli they previously have feared. As the child's coping skills improve, these situations and stimuli may be mastered and no longer be feared. Thus fear caused by maturational and age relevant natural inhibition is reduced as the child experiences a motivating thrilling activation, while learning to master age adequate challenges. It is concluded that risky play may have evolved due to this anti-phobic effect in normal child development, and it is suggested that we may observe an increased neuroticism or psychopathology in society if children are hindered from partaking in age adequate risky play.     

Non-associative fear acquisition: a review of the evidence from retrospective and longitudinal research

It is axiomatic that the capacity to experience fear is adaptive, enabling rapid and energetic response to imminent threat or danger. Despite the generally accepted utility of functional fear, the nature of maladaptive fear remains controversial. There is still no consensus about how specific fears and phobias are acquired and modulated. Two major schools of thought are apparent: those suggesting dysfunctional fear arises largely as the result of associative-conditioning processes versus those who favour more biologically based etiological explanations. In this regard, the non-associative model of fear acquisition postulates the existence of a limited number of innate, evolutionary-relevant fears, while emphasising conditioning modes of onset for evolutionary-neutral fears. Recent retrospective and longitudinal studies have tested predictions from the non-associative model. In general, findings support non-associative hypotheses and are difficult to reconcile with neo-conditioning explanations of fear acquisition. These data suggest that four pathways to fear may provide the most parsimonious theory of fear etiology. The theoretical and practical implications of adding a fourth, non-associative path to Rachman's (Behav. Res. Ther. (1977) 15, 375-387) three 'associative' pathways are discussed. Unresolved issues requiring further investigation are considered.     

A longitudinal study of the etiology of separation anxiety

A longitudinal examination of the relation between separation experiences and the development of separation anxiety at age 3, 11 and 18 years was conducted. Three associative pathways (Rachman, S.J. (1978). Fear and courage. San Francisco: W.H. Freeman) were assessed. Conditioning events were not related to separation anxiety at age 3. Vicarious learning (modelling) in middle childhood (age 9 years) was the conditioning variable most strongly related to separation anxiety at age 11, accounting for 1.8% of the variance in symptoms. Separation experiences (hospitalisations) before the age of 9 were inversely correlated with separation anxiety at age 18. That is, more overnight hospital stays in childhood were related to less separation anxiety in late adolescence. However, none of these conditioning correlates remained significant predictors of separation anxiety in adjusted regression models. In contrast, certain “planned” separations in early–mid childhood were associated with lower levels of separation anxiety at later ages. Generally, the findings were consistent with predictions from the non-associative theory of fear acquisition. That vicarious learning processes appeared to modulate, albeit to a minor degree, the expression of separation anxiety during mid–late childhood suggests that there may be critical periods during which some individuals are susceptible to the interactive effects of both associative and non-associative processes. These findings serve to illustrate the complexity of fear acquisition, the relevance of developmental factors and the likely interplay between associative and non-associative processes in the etiology of fear and anxiety.     

The origins of height fear: an evaluation of neoconditioning explanations

The present research sought to establish a reliable and valid instrument for assessing the relevance of neoconditioning factors (e.g. latent inhibition, UCS inflation/revaluation, prior fear levels, prior expectancies of harm, fear and pain levels experienced during supposed learning events), in the development of human fear. Fifty-four undergraduate height-fearful students completed the new origins instrument (OQ-II), while 54 matched controls completed a modified version (OQM-II) that examined their prior experiences with heights. In general, few differences between groups were found. Height-fearful and control subjects did not differ on trait anxiety, the frequency of negative encounters with heights, the age at which these events had occurred, prior fear levels, prior expectancies of harm, or reports of UCS inflation/revaluation procedures. However, in a finding directly opposite to that expected from a conditioning account, the mean fear and pain scores reported by subjects who had experienced direct conditioning events were significantly higher in the non-fearful group than in the height-fearful group. These findings are discussed in terms of associative and non-associative models of fear.     

How do social fears in adolescence develop? Fear conditioning shapes attention orienting to social threat cues

Social fears emerging in adolescence can have negative effects on emotional well-being. Yet the mechanisms by which these risks occur are unknown. One possibility is that associative learning results in fears to previously neutral social stimuli. Such conditioned responses may alter subsequent processing of social stimuli. We used a novel conditioning task to examine how associative processes influence social fear and attention orienting in adolescents. Neutral photographs were paired with socially rewarding or aversive stimuli during conditioning; a dot-probe task then assessed biases in attention orienting. The social conditioning task modified subjective ratings of the neutral stimuli. Moreover, for the neutral stimulus that was paired with the aversive stimulus, the strength of conditioning showed a relationship with subsequent attentional vigilance. The findings elucidate mechanisms by which negative peer experiences during adolescence may affect emotional processing.     

The conditioning theory of fear-acquisition: a critical examination

The conditioning theory of fear-acquisition is outlined and the supporting evidence and arguments presented. It is argued that the theory lacks comprehensiveness and is also inadequate in other respects.Six arguments against acceptance of the theory are advanced. People fail to acquire fears in what are theoretically fear-evoking situations (e.g. air raids). It is difficult to produce conditioned fear reactions in human subjects in the laboratory. The theory rests on the untenable equipotentiality premise. The distribution of human fears is not consistent with the theory. Many phobic patients recount histories inconsistent with the theory. Lastly, fears can be acquired indirectly, contrary to the demands of the conditioning theory. It is suggested that fears can be acquired by three pathways: conditioning, vicarious exposures and by the transmission of information and instruction. Vicarious and informational transmission of fears can take place in the absence of direct contact with the fear stimuli.     

Causal modeling of relations among learning history, anxiety sensitivity, and panic attacks

We used structural equation modeling (SEM) to test the hypothesis that childhood instrumental and vicarious learning experiences influence frequency of panic attacks in young adulthood both directly, and indirectly through their effects on anxiety sensitivity (AS). A total of 478 university students participated in a retrospective assessment of their childhood learning experiences for arousal-reactive sensations (e.g., nausea, racing heart, shortness of breath, dizziness) and arousal-non-reactive sensations (i.e., colds, aches and pains, and rashes). SEM revealed that learning history for arousal-reactive somatic symptoms directly influenced both AS levels and panic frequency; AS directly influenced panic frequency; and learning history for arousal-non-reactive symptoms directly influenced AS but did not directly influence panic frequency. These results are consistent with the findings of previous retrospective studies on the learning history origins of AS and panic attacks, and provide the first empirical evidence of a partial mediation effect of AS in explaining the relation between childhood learning experiences and panic attacks in young adulthood. Implications for understanding the etiology of panic disorder are discussed.     

How do social fears in adolescence develop? Fear conditioning shapes attention orienting to social threat cues

Social fears emerging in adolescence can have negative effects on emotional well-being. Yet the mechanisms by which these risks occur are unknown. One possibility is that associative learning results in fears to previously neutral social stimuli. Such conditioned responses may alter subsequent processing of social stimuli. We used a novel conditioning task to examine how associative processes influence social fear and attention orienting in adolescents. Neutral photographs were paired with socially rewarding or aversive stimuli during conditioning; a dot-probe task then assessed biases in attention orienting. The social conditioning task modified subjective ratings of the neutral stimuli. Moreover, for the neutral stimulus that was paired with the aversive stimulus, the strength of conditioning showed a relationship with subsequent attentional vigilance. The findings elucidate mechanisms by which negative peer experiences during adolescence may affect emotional processing.     

Acquisition of agoraphobia, mode of onset and anxiety response patterns

The ways in which 80 agoraphobic patients had acquired their phobia were investigated. The patients were requested to answer a questionnaire concerning: (a) the origin of the phobia, with items relevant for conditioning experiences, vicarious experiences and experiences of negative information/instruction; (b) physiological reactions; (c) anticipatory anxiety; (d) negative thoughts while in the phobic situation. In addition, data on mode of onset, precipitating factors, family history of phobias, marital and occupational status and severity of the phobia were obtained. The reported anxiety reaction was conceptualized in terms of the Three-Systems Model of fear and anxiety, i.e. anxiety as composed of a physiological, cognitive and behavioral component. The results showed that a large majority (81%) of the patients attributed their phobias to conditioning experiences, while 9% recalled vicarious learning, none recalled instruction/information and 10% could not recall any specific onset circumstances at all. In another classification 46% of the patients had a rapid, 36% a gradual and 18% a slow onset of their phobias. There was no relationship between either the ways of acquisition, or the modes of onset, and the anxiety components, nor did the conditioning and the indirect groups differ in severity of phobic reactions.     

Fears, worries, and scary dreams in 4- to 12-year-old children: their content, developmental pattern, and origins

Investigated anxiety symptoms in normal school children 4 to 12 years of age (N = 190). The percentages of children reporting fears, worries, and scary dreams were 75.8, 67.4, and 80.5%, respectively, indicating that these anxiety symptoms are quite common among children. Inspection of the developmental pattern of these phenomena revealed that fears and scary dreams were common among 4- to 6-year-olds, became even more prominent in 7- to 9-year-olds, and then decreased in frequency in 10- to 12-year-olds. The developmental course of worry deviated from this pattern. This phenomenon was clearly more prevalent in older children (i.e., 7- to 12-year-olds) than in younger children. Furthermore, although the frequency of certain types of fears, worries, and dreams were found to change across age groups (e.g., the prevalence of fears and scary dreams pertaining to imaginary creatures decreased with age, whereas worry about test performance increased with age), the top intense fears, worries, and scary dreams remained relatively unchanged across age levels. An examination of the origins of these common anxiety phenomena showed that for fears and scary dreams, information was the most commonly reported pathway, whereas for worry, conditioning experiences were more prominent.     

Children's nighttime fears: parent-child ratings of frequency, content, origins, coping behaviors and severity

The present study investigated nighttime fears in normal school children aged 4 to 12 yr (N=176). Children and their parents were interviewed about the frequency, content, origins, coping behaviors and severity of children's nighttime fears. Results showed that 73.3% of the children reported nighttime fears, indicating that these fears are quite prevalent. Inspection of the developmental course of nighttime fears revealed that these fears are common among 4- to 6-year-olds, become even more frequent in 7- to 9-year-olds and then remain relatively stable in 10- to 12-year-olds. Inspection of the origins of nighttime fears revealed that most of the children (i.e., almost 80%) attributed their fear to negative information; conditioning and modeling were endorsed less frequently (25.6% and 13.2%, respectively). A substantial percentage of the children (24.0%) indicated that learning experiences had not played a role in the acquisition of their nighttime fears. Children reported a variety of coping strategies in order to deal with their nighttime fears and generally rated these strategies as helpful in reducing anxiety. Furthermore, children's nighttime fears were associated with moderate levels of anxiety. Moreover, in about 10% of the children, nighttime fears were related to one or more DSM-III-R anxiety disorders. Finally, parental reports of children's nighttime fears substantially deviated from children's reports. Most importantly, parents provided a marked underestimation of the frequency of nighttime fears, at least as reported by their children.     

Genes,Fears, Phobias,and Phobic Disorders

It has become widely accepted that we may be biologically “prepared” to associate fear more easily with some stimuli (e.g., heights) than with other stimuli (e.g., electric outlets). The current literature on the topic of the genetics of fears and phobias is surveyed with an eye toward answering the question “What might be heritable?” For ordinary fears among the general population, heredity appears to contribute mainly to a trait of general fearfulness and may be a major reason for the strong intercorrelation among different fears. Surprisingly, the available evidence suggests little environmental transmission from parent to offspring, although adoption data have yet to be reported on this issue. Although the results of two small twin series are consistent with some genetic influence on clinically significant phobias, it is still not clear what might be genetically transmitted in these disorders. There is a strong possibility that phobic disorders may be genetically heterogeneous.     

How serious are common childhood fears? II. The parent's point of view

In an earlier study [Muris, P., Merckelbach, H., Mayer, B., & Prins, E. (1999). How serious are common childhood fears? Behaviour Research and Therapy, in press.], the severity of common childhood fears was explored by means of a structured child interview measuring specific phobias as defined by the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders. It was found that in a substantial minority of the children, specific fears reflect clinically significant phobias. The present study examined further the connection between childhood fears and specific phobias by interviewing children's parents. The Diagnostic Interview Schedule for Children was administered to the parents of 160 children aged 4-12 years. In line with our previous study, results indicate that a sizable proportion of children (i.e. 17.6%) met the full criteria for specific phobia.     

Measuring the role of conditioning and stimulus generalisation in common fears and worries

Common and persistent fears may emerge through learning mechanisms such as fear conditioning and generalisation. Although there have been extensive studies of these learning processes in healthy but also psychiatric samples, many of the tasks used to produce conditioning and assess generalisation either use painful and aversive stimuli as the unconditioned stimuli (UCS), or suffer from poor belongingness between the conditioned stimuli and the UCS. Here, we present novel data from a paradigm designed to examine fear conditioning and generalisation in healthy individuals. Two female faces served as conditioned threat cue (CS+) and conditioned safety cue (CS?) respectively. The CS+ was paired repeatedly with a fearful, screaming face (unconditioned stimulus). Generalisation included intermediate faces which varied in their similarity to the CS+ and CS?. We measured eyeblink startle reflex and self-reported ratings. Acquired fear of the CS+ generalised to intermediate stimuli in proportion to their perceptual similarity to the CS+. Our findings demonstrate how fears of new individuals may develop based on resemblance to others with whom an individual has had negative experiences. The paradigm offers new opportunities for probing the role of generalisation in the emergence of common and persistent fears.     

What is the Revised Fear Survey Schedule for Children measuring?

The Fear Survey Schedule for Children-Revised (FSSC-R) is a widely used self-report questionnaire that purports to measure the number of fears and the overall level of fearfulness in children. A number of studies have shown that the ten most common childhood fears can be found on the Danger and Death subscale of the FSSC-R, with upwards of 50% of children endorsing such fears. However, some researchers (e.g., H. McCathie & S.H. Spence, 1991; Behaviour Research and Therapy, 29, 495-502) have questioned the validity of these findings, suggesting that these items do not reflect actual childhood fears that children have or experience on a daily or regular basis. Rather, they suggest that children are responding to these fear items as if they were actually occurring to them in the here and now. The current study examined the occurrence of five Danger and Death fears from the FSSC-R (i.e., "Not being able to breathe", "Being hit by a car or truck", "Falling from high places", "Bombing attacks or being invaded", and "Fire or getting burned") in a sample of normal school children aged eight to 12 years (N=102). More specifically, we used three different methods to asses these fears: (1). prevalence as determined by the standard FSSC-R procedure, (2). prevalence as determined by a fear list procedure, and (3). actual occurrence or prevalence of these fears in the past week, as determined by a diary method. Results indicated that while these fears ranked high when using the standard FSSC-R procedure, they were considerably less common when using the fear list procedure, and had a low probability of actual occurrence on a daily basis, as well as possessing a short duration and low intensity. Implications for the assessment of fears and the use of self-report measures like the FSSC-R are briefly discussed.     

The Double Bind as a Universal Pathogenic Situation

In this report we have tried to propose specific models for the genesis of three types of neurosis (i.e., hysteric, phobic, and obsessive-compulsive). We believe that this approach, based on a conceptual reconstruction of the specific learning contexts and experiences of an individual, is applicable to the study of the other functional disturbances as well. A central position is assigned in this to the ubiquity of double-bind phenomena which are assumed to be of greater importance than previously believed.