Effects of list organization and retrieval cues on children's delayed recall.

Developmental differences in recall were investigated as a function of mode of presentation (blocked vs. random), recall condition (cued vs. noncued), and time of recall (immediate vs. delayed). Ninety-six second graders and 96 fourth graders were the subjects, and the stimuli were 20 pictured items from five categories. Data on three dependent variables (item recall, category recall, and clustering score) were analyzed. Immediate recall was better than delayed recall, the fourth graders' overall performance was superior to that of the second graders, and the blocked presentation of items and the presence of retrieval cues at recall enhanced recall and organization in recall. Furthermore, an analysis of a three-way interaction on two dependent measures indicated that, in the noncued condition, immediate recall was better than delayed recall for children in both grades. However, in the cued condition, the fourth graders performed better during delayed recall than during immediate recall, whereas the second graders did better during immediate recall than during delayed recall.     

Social influence and children's event recall and suggestibility

The present study sheds light on interactions between cognitive and social factors affecting children's memory performance and suggestibility in event recall tasks. We examined 251 children, aged 8, 9 and 10 years, and applied a well-known paradigm from social psychology, that is, the social influence of misleading questions was experimentally manipulated through the presence and answering behaviour of an adult confederate. Children's answers about the content of a previously watched film to misleading questions, their accurate statements in their subsequent free recall, as well as performance in a recognition test were assessed. The design also included two control conditions, one in which children answered misleading questions without an adult confederate, and a second one in which no misleading interview was administered but only free recall and recognition. The results document large recall and suggestibility differences between the conditions. Participants of the strong social influence condition answered more conformably to misleading questions and showed a larger effect of memory contagion in recognition. Moreover, there were strong age-related increases in the ability to rely on one's own recollection rather than parroting the confederate's answers. Strong social influence also differentially affected the occurrence of false statements in free recall and errors in the recognition test depending on the children's age.     

Anxious and nonanxious children's recall of a repeated or unique event

The current study examined 4- and 5-year-olds' memory for an event that was experienced once or was the first in a sequence of four similar events. The event was private swimming lessons for beginners that, because of natural variation in fear of water, were experienced as stressful for some children and not stressful for others. Consistent with much previous research, there was evidence that repeat-event children remembered less than did single-event children. There was some evidence for a beneficial influence of stress on resistance to suggestions. No other effects of stress were found in either the single- or repeat-event children. Implications for the debate on the influence of stress on memory and for children's testimony are discussed.     

The role of accuracy motivation on children's and adults' event recall

To examine the role of accuracy motivation in event recall, 6-, 7-, and 8-year-old children and adults were shown a short video about a conflict between two groups of children. Three weeks later, participants were asked a set of unbiased specific questions about the video. Following A. Koriat and M. Goldsmith's (1994) distinction of quantity- and quality-oriented memory assessments, and based on their model of strategic regulation of memory accuracy (1996), accuracy motivation was manipulated across three conditions. Participants were (a) forced to provide an answer to each question (low accuracy motivation), (b) initially instructed to withhold uncertain answers by saying "I don't know" (medium accuracy motivation), or (c) rewarded for every single correct answer (high accuracy motivation). When motivation for accuracy was high, children as young as 6 were to withhold uncertain answers to the benefit of accuracy. The expected quality-quantity trade-off emerged only for peripheral items but not for the central items. Participants who were forced to provide an answer gave more correct answers but also high numbers of incorrect answers than participants who had the option to answer "I don't know." The results are discussed in terms of the underlying model as well as in terms of forensic interviewing.     

Effects of a knowledge base manipulation on children's recall

Abstract

Developmental researchers have demonstrated the potent role of a knowledge base on children's memory performance. However, the only studies to experimentally assess a causal connection between children's knowledge and memory have failed to find such connection (DeMarie-Dreblow, 1991; Muir-Broaddus, Rorer, Branden, & George, 1995). In this study, we extended the length of training relative to earlier studies with samples of first- and seventh-grade children, incorporating knowledge training into their school curriculum. Both groups of children displayed an increase in knowledge as a result of training and corresponding significant improvements in recall, consistent with a causal relation between knowledge and memory. Although we believe that some of the benefits for the older children were associated with improvements in strategic organization, most of the gains, for both the older and younger children, could be attributed to item-specific effects of knowledge on recall.     

Confidence judgments in children's and adults' event recall and suggestibility

The present work investigated the role of children's and adults' metacognitive monitoring and control processes for unbiased event recall tasks and for suggestibility. Three studies were conducted in which children and adults indicated their degree of confidence that their answers were correct after (Study 1) and before (Study 2) answering either unbiased or misleading questions or (Study 3) forced-choice recognition questions. There was a strong tendency for overestimation of confidence regardless of age and question format. However, children did not lack the principal metacognitive competencies when these questions were asked in a neutral interview. Under misleading questioning, in contrast, children's monitoring skills were seriously impaired. Within each age group, better metacognitive differentiation was positively associated with recall accuracy in the suggestive interview.     

Effects of drawing on children's item recall

In four experiments, we used item recall tasks to investigate recent claims that young children's event recall can be facilitated by drawing. In Experiments 1 to 3, children of ages 5 to 8 years were tested 4 h after presentation for recall of a set of 25 items that had been presented in groups on a colored, segmented board. In Experiment 1, recall was enhanced by replacement of the objects on the board as they were recalled, but not by drawing them. In Experiments 2 and 3, drawing the board and objects concurrently with or just prior to verbal recall not only failed to facilitate recall, but significantly reduced the number of items reported by 5- to 6-year-olds. In Experiment 4, drawing again impaired recall of items that had been presented as paired associates. Overall, results indicate that under some conditions drawing can impair children's recall rather than facilitate it, as reported in several recent studies.     

The role of the physical context in supporting young children's use of spatiotemporal organization in recall

Four experiments were conducted to investigate the role of the physical context in supporting 3‐ to 5‐year‐olds' use of spatiotemporal organization in recall. Children were familiarized with several target items and their corresponding landmarks arranged along a path in a model park. After familiarization, an experimenter removed the target items from the park. In Experiment 1, 3‐ and 4‐year‐olds recalled the missing items with the park either in view or out of view. When the park model was in view, 4‐ year‐olds used the order of the items along the path to structure their recall. In Experiment 2, 4‐ and 5‐year‐olds recalled the missing items with the landmarks arranged either in the same order as in familiarization or in a new order. Children used the order of landmarks along the path at test to structure their recall, even though the order of landmarks changed from familiarization to test. Experiment 3 was identical to Experiment 2, except that the path was removed from the park. Five‐year‐olds used the order of landmarks along the path at test to structure their recall when the order of landmarks remained the same from familiarization to test, but had much more difficulty doing so when the order of landmarks changed from familiarization to test. Using a more difficult task, Experiment 4 revealed that spatiotemporal organization was positively related to amount recalled. Together, these findings suggest that the structure of the physical environment plays an important role in supporting young children's use of spatiotemporal organization in recall.     

Stored word sequences in language learning: the effect of familiarity on children's repetition of four-word combinations

Recent accounts of the development of grammar propose that children remember utterances they hear and draw generalizations over these stored exemplars. This study tested these accounts' assumption that children store utterances as wholes by testing memory for familiar sequences of words. Using a newly available, dense corpus of child-directed speech, we identified frequently occurring chunks in the input (e.g., sit in your chair) and matched them to infrequent sequences (e.g., sit in your truck). We tested young children's ability to produce these sequences in a sentence-repetition test. Three-year-olds (n= 21) and 2-year-olds (n= 17) were significantly more likely to repeat frequent sequences correctly than to repeat infrequent sequences correctly. Moreover, the 3-year-olds were significantly faster to repeat the first three words of an item if they formed part of a chunk (e.g., they were quicker to say sit in your when the following word was chair than when it was truck). We discuss the implications of these results for theories of language development and processing.     

The effect of question repetition within interviews on young children's eyewitness recall

This study investigated the influence of question repetition and question type (answerable, unanswerable, or opinion seeking) on children's recall. A total of 136 children (5-, 7-, and 9-year-olds) watched a live 15-min presentation. One week later, the children were asked 20 questions that were repeated an additional two times within the interview. Accuracy of children's responses to unanswerable questions declined with repetition. Children were more likely to change a response to an unanswerable question than to an answerable question. Overall, children maintained the same answers to only three-quarters of the repeated questions. The most common pattern of change was for children to change their answer the second time a question was asked and then to maintain that answer when questioned again. The high percentage of changed answers within a single interview has important implications for forensic interviewing.     

The effect of questioning on young children's memory for an event

The effect of adult questioning on young children's memory for an event was examined. Three groups of 4- and 5-year-old children experienced two special events. The questioning group was then asked a set of questions about one of the events on four different occasions over a 7-week period. At the end of the 7 weeks, all children were tested for recall of the two events. The experience of answering questions enhanced the memory performance of the children in the questioning group. However, comparison of the performance of the questioning group with that of two control groups showed that their memory improvement was extremely specific: (a) The questioning group did better only on the specific questions they had been repeatedly asked, (b) There was no general enhancement of recall; they were no better on new questions about the same event, (c) The enhancement was not specific to the experience of retrieving information from long-term memory; the performance of a control group with no long-term memory demands was almost identical to that of the questioning group. The results of this study support the view that adult questioning of young children enhances memory for the specific information about which questions have been asked, but it does not have generalized effects on memory performance or development.     

How young children represent sentences: Evidence from the superiority of noun recall from action as compared to stative sequences

Children of the ages of 4 and 7 years recalled nouns from subject-verb-object sentences more efficiently than from noun pairs. Verbs were either stative or active. Preschoolers recalled more nouns from active than stative phrases, whereas the older children showed no such difference, either in a blocked (Experiment 1) or mixed list (Experiment 2) design. Whereas interaction rather than action seems critical for older children, younger children seem better able to retrieve words from action than from stative representations.     

Preschoolers' construction order of event sequences related to mental ability and degree of familiarity.

Preschoolers' understanding of sequential relations was investigated in two experiments. Experiment 1 showed that appreciation of sequential relations depends on the level of mental ability and the degree of familiarity displayed with the social or behavioral phenomena under investigation. Experiment 2 reproduced the findings of Experiment 1 and, further, demonstrated that an increase in experience and familiarity through an interaction phase between children with higher and those with lower mental abilities led to a significant exchange of information and performance that was retained over the posttest phase. The data of both experiments are discussed within the framework of the "invariance hypothesis" (Bullock, 1985) in contrast to Piagetian theory (Piaget, 1946/1969).     

Bringing order to the arbitrary: one- to two-year-olds’ recall of event sequences

Recall by children ages 16–32 months was tested on event sequences that were either arbitrarily ordered or were constrained by enabling relations. Even the youngest children reliably recalled the enabling sequences. It was not until 20 months and older that the children performed at above-chance levels on the arbitrarily ordered events.