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1.
The political activity and voting behavior of 136 young German adults in 1994 were predicted by their political action orientations measured 7 years before. Respondents belonging to cohorts born in 1971, 1972, and 1973 were surveyed in 1987, 1988, and 1994. The questionnaires measured variables relevant to the social-cognitive action theory model of personality: self-concept of political competence, beliefs about political locus of control, political knowledge, trust in politics, satisfaction with politics, and political activity in everyday life. The results are interpreted with respect to the correlative and absolute stability versus plasticity of the variables from 1987 to 1994, as well as the predictive value of the action theory personality variables for political activities and for voting behavior measured 7 years later. Longitudinal results indicate a high predictive value of self-concept of political competence and political knowledge for political activity and voting in early adulthood. Because only these two personality variables showed relatively high positional stability coefficients from adolescence to early adulthood, the discussion refers to the necessity of early developmental interventions to prevent extreme types of politically uninterested and passive adults. Therefore, the social-cognitive action theory personality model of political participation is extended to a social-cognitive action theory personality model of political socialization in the life span.  相似文献   

2.

Democracies rely upon politically knowledgeable citizens for their legitimacy and to sustain themselves. In Australia, policy initiatives have addressed concerns about the low levels of political knowledge among young people. Yet research about how young Australians acquire political knowledge, beyond schools, is scarce. The present study referring to the concepts of situated learning, self-determination and knowledge gap, asks whether young adult’s participatory practices (e.g., participation in politics, prior involvement in decision-making at school) predict political knowledge. Analyses that control for multiple predictors of political knowledge suggest differential associations between political knowledge and different participatory practices. Motivational inequality, as defined by interest in politics, moderates the associations with party-political participation and participation at school; the conditional effect of party-related political participation is further moderated by educational resources. Gendered differences are identified for some participatory practices. Directions for future research and the importance of participatory experiences and how to establish a foundation of young citizens’ political knowledge are discussed.

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3.
We evaluated five competing hypotheses about what predicts romantic interest. Through a half‐block quasi‐experimental design, a large sample of young adults (i.e. responders; n = 335) viewed videos of opposite‐sex persons (i.e. targets) talking about themselves, and responders rated the targets' traits and their romantic interest in the target. We tested whether similarity, dissimilarity or overall trait levels on mate value, physical attractiveness, life history strategy and the Big Five personality factors predicted romantic interest at zero acquaintance and whether sex acted as a moderator. We tested the responders' individual perception of the targets' traits, in addition to the targets' own self‐reported trait levels and a consensus rating of the targets made by the responders. We used polynomial regression with response surface analysis within multilevel modelling to test support for each of the hypotheses. Results suggest a large sex difference in trait perception; when women rated men, they agreed in their perception more often than when men rated women. However, as a predictor of romantic interest, there were no sex differences. Only the responders' perception of the targets' physical attractiveness predicted romantic interest; specifically, responders' who rated the targets' physical attractiveness as higher than themselves reported more romantic interest. Copyright © 2017 European Association of Personality Psychology  相似文献   

4.
赵晨  高中华 《心理科学》2014,37(3):729-734
本研究以来自5家公司的272对主管与员工之间的配对数据为样本,探讨了员工政治自我效能与组织公民行为间的关系以及心理资本的调节作用。研究结果表明:政治自我效能与组织公民行为之间呈现倒U型的关系,当员工政治自我效能较低和较高时,组织公民行为都比较低,而当他们的政治自我效能处于中等水平时,组织公民行为最高;心理资本对组织公民行为具有积极的促进作用,同时能够减弱员工政治自我效能对组织公民行为的倒U型影响。  相似文献   

5.
Educational level is a factor of cognitive reserve and older adults with a higher level of formal education have a better memory performance than those having a lower educational level (Angel et al., 2010; Van Der Elst, Van Boxtel, Van Breukelen, & Jolles, 2005). Memory functioning can also be modulated by the beliefs and knowledge of a person about his/her own memory, that is, by his/her metamemory (Hultsch, Hertzog, & Dixon, 1987). The objective of this study was to examine the role of metamemory as a potential mediator of the effect of educational level on memory performance. Eighty-three older adults (60–80 years) participated in the experiment, they have been divided into two subgroups according to their educational level (high: 14.36 years and low level: 9.85 years). Episodic memory was evaluated with a cued recall task and metamemory by the Metamemory in Adulthood questionnaire (MIA). As shown by previous studies, results indicated that educational level had a significant effect on memory and metamemory, higher educational level was associated to better memory and metamemory capacities. At the MIA questionnaire, older adults with a high educational level affirmed using more internal and external strategies for learning, having higher motivation and perceiving less memory change with aging than older adults with a lower educational level. They also showed that the metamemory dimensions associated to the memory performance differed according to the educational level. For participants with a lower educational level, memory performance was correlated to the participants’ perception about their memory capacity and their knowledge about memory tasks, while for participants with a higher educational level, memory performance was correlated to the dimensions linked to memory control (strategies and motivation). Finally, the group effect was mediated by metamemory, specifically by the use of internal strategies. These results suggest that a prolonged educative experience would be associated to a better capacity to implement adapted strategies, which led individuals to maintain an optimal memory performance.  相似文献   

6.
People's threat perceptions play a role in influencing foreign policies towards perceived adversary countries. Earlier research has identified multiple components shaping mass-level threat perceptions including military power, adversary country's perceived intentions, and national identities. On the individual level, education, use of media, and interest in politics have been shown to influence threat perceptions. However, most studies on perceptions of security threats fail to include both contextual and individual-level explanatory factors and to consider that different national threats may be constructed differently. This research bridges formation of threat perceptions on the individual level to wider societal processes and provides an empirical perspective to understanding threat perceptions among the educated section of the Chinese population. To analyze threat perceptions, students from leading Chinese universities (N = 771) took part in a survey in the autumn of 2011 and spring of 2012. Respondents who followed conventional media were more likely to perceive both the United States and Japan as threatening, and the effect of media consumption was particularly strong with regards to perceived threat from Japan. In addition, each threat perception was significantly associated with threat-specific explanatory factors. Potential explanatory factors of threat perceptions were explored with linear regression models.  相似文献   

7.
8.
This study examined the psychological impact of global subjective appraisals of influence exerted on people's lives by common political events. A list of 24 political events was administered to a random sample of 400 adults in Poland. Political self‐efficacy, interest in politics, perceived political social support, and political collective efficacy were also assessed as potential moderators of the link between political stress appraisals and subjective well‐being (satisfaction with life, sense on anomie, positive affect). Perceptions of the negative influence of political stressors on one's life and the life of the country were associated with concomitant variations in subjective well‐being. Among psychosocial resources, political self‐efficacy consistently moderated the influence of appraisals of political stressors on satisfaction with life and positive affect.  相似文献   

9.
This study provides independent empirical evidence that bears upon the truth or falsity of recently formulated hypotheses regarding reciprocal relationships between levels of religiosity and societal dysfunction. Gregory S. Paul's findings, published in the Journal of Religion and Society (2005), Free Inquiry (2008), and Evolutionary Psychology (2009), have demonstrated that high degrees of theism are associated with high degrees of societal dysfunction among the prosperous democracies. Whereas his research employs numerous scatter diagrams and bivariate correlations involving measures of religiosity and societal dysfunction pertaining to 17 nation states, the current study's units of analysis are the 50 states and the District of Columbia. Additionally, the utilization of multiple regression analysis allows the detection of the effects of other potentially relevant explanatory variables, such as educational attainment, income level, and race. The findings are only minimally supportive of Paul's hypotheses regarding the contributions of high religiosity to societal dysfunction and to the effects of societal dysfunction upon religiosity. Simultaneously, the results of correlational and regression analyses attest to the more substantial explanatory power of the social inequality variables of education, income, and race. Accordingly, it is argued that "American Exceptionalism," when understood as referring to a society manifesting the coexistence of high levels of theism and high levels of societal dysfunction, is best explained by the United States' high degree of social inequality, compared with other modern industrialized democracies.  相似文献   

10.
We examined age differences in attributions to internal (controllable and uncontrollable), external (uncontrollable), and unstable factors for performance on a free recall memory task in 149 young, middle-aged, and older adults. Attributions varied by age and by level of memory performance. Middle-aged and older adults rated internal, uncontrollable factors (ability and genes) as more influential for high performance than for low performance, and they were less likely than young adults to attribute low performance to these factors. Within age groups, only the older adults rated memory ability as more influential than strategy use, even though they were as likely as the other age groups to use a categorization strategy. Attributions to both internal controllable (strategy use) and uncontrollable (ability) factors as well as to health were associated with better memory performance. These attributions partially mediated the relationship between age and memory performance. Thus, attributions may provide some insight into sources of age differences in memory performance.  相似文献   

11.
This article focuses on the political participation of ministers from five evangelical Protestant denominations that differ in theology, polity, and history. Despite such differences, these clergy respond to political influences in much the same fashion. We find that the standard theories of political participation have varying success in accounting for their political involvement. Sociodemographic explanations provide little help, but psychological engagement with politics has more explanatory power. Professional role orientations are the best predictors of actual participation. And the clergy who see moral reform issues as the most important confronting the country—and who hold conservative views on such issues—are most likely to become engaged. Finally, membership in Christian Right organizations serves to elicit more activity than might occur if ministers were left to internally motivated participation. Despite the emphasis on other contextual variables in some work on clerical politics, we find that communications exposures, congregational influences, and even the support of clerical colleagues have very limited independent effects on political involvement.  相似文献   

12.
There is a growing interest regarding college student attitudes, knowledge, and concern about the potential threat of nuclear war. The present study attempted to identify salient political, psychological, and educational variables that might account for differing levels of concern and knowledge about nuclear war among college students. The results of two multiple regression analyses indicated that a greater interest in international affairs, less trust in government, more exposure to sources of nuclear war information, and being female contributed to greater concern about nuclear war. Having more political knowledge in general, being male, being more a Democrat than Republican, and having a greater interest in international affairs contributed to more knowledge about nuclear war. The results are discussed in light of their implications for university education.  相似文献   

13.
Political efficacy is a widely studied phenomenon and an important predictor of political participation, but little is known about the political efficacy of the millions of people with disabilities in the United States. This paper reports the results of a nationally representative telephone survey of 1,240 people—stratified to include 700 people with disabilities—following the November 1998 elections. Several measures of efficacy that help predict political activity were found to be significantly lower among people with disabilities than among otherwise similar people without disabilities. Although lower levels of internal efficacy and civic skills could largely be explained by educational and employment gaps, lower levels of other variables (external efficacy, perceived influence of people with disabilities, and perceived treatment of people with disabilities) remained after applying a wide range of controls, indicating that people with disabilities are less likely to see the political system as responsive to them. This perception is concentrated among non–employed people with disabilities. The lower efficacy levels linked to "disability gaps" in employment, income, education, and group attendance appear to account for as much as half of the disability political participation gap; hence, policies intended to increase employment and educational opportunities for people with disabilities have potentially important political effects.  相似文献   

14.
小学教师集体效能及其对自我效能功能的调节   总被引:10,自引:0,他引:10  
通过对28所小学1299名教师的问卷调查,作者主要探讨了教师集体效能在解释学校间教师心理特征各方面差异时的重要性,及其对自我效能预测功能的调节作用。多层分析结果表明,(1)教师自我效能对教师心理特征各方面的表现有显著的预测作用,这一预测作用存在学校间的差异;(2)教师集体效能高的学校,教师的工作满意度、内在动机、工作投入、同事关系满意度平均较高,离职倾向较低;(3)教师集体效能对自我效能与工作满意度等心理特征各方面的关系有显著调节作用,集体效能高的学校,自我效能对教师心理特征诸方面表现的预测力较强  相似文献   

15.
Hilde Coffé 《Sex roles》2013,69(5-6):323-338
This study challenges the idea that women are less interested in politics than men by arguing that women are not less interested in politics but, rather, are interested in different issues. I decompose the concept of general political interest into interest in local, national and international issues and investigate gender differences in interest in these different issues, as well as in politics in general. Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) regression analyses, based on data collected in 2011 (British Participation Survey) on a representative sample of British citizens (N?=?1,353), reveal no substantial gender difference in interest in local issues. Once political efficacy is controlled for, however, women are more likely than men to be interested in local issues. Furthermore, women are less likely to be interested in national and international issues, as well as politics in general, than men. Further analyses demonstrate that part of the gap in general political interest may be explained by the fact that interest in politics is primarily understood as interest in national politics, an issue in which men are more likely to be interested than women. In summary, the results highlight the need to clarify the concept of ‘politics’ and to move towards the notion that women and men are interested in different issues, rather than the notion that women are less politically interested than men.  相似文献   

16.
In this paper, the relationships between the HEXACO personality model and socio-political attitudes were investigated. It was hypothesized that the relationship between Honesty-Humility and Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) and that between Openness and Right Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) were moderated by interest in politics. Three hundred and forty-four individuals participated in the study. Results showed that Honesty-Humility affected SDO and Openness affected RWA more strongly among individuals with a higher level of interest in politics. Facet-level analyses revealed that Humility and Experiential Openness were uniquely connected to ideology. These effects were also moderated by interest in politics.  相似文献   

17.
The Stein paradigm was used to examine the circumstances under which verbal elaborations enhance memory in young and older adults. Subjects studied target adjectives that were embedded in one of three sentence contexts that varied in elaboration of the subject-adjective relationship: (1) nonelaborated base sentences; (2) base sentences with semantically consistent, but arbitrary verbal, elaborations; and (3) base sentences with explanatory verbal elaborations that clarified the significance of the subject-adjective relationship. The presence of the elaborations was varied at encoding and retrieval, and cued recall of the target adjectives was tested with incidental and intentional learning procedures. In Experiments 1A and 1B, explanatory elaborations at encoding and retrieval yielded the largest memorial facilitation for both young and older adults, and the benefit was comparable for the incidental and intentional learning measures. In Experiment 2, age-related differences in recall were minimal with explanatory elaborations at encoding and retrieval, but larger age differences occurred in the nonelaborated comparison conditions. In Experiment 3, explanatory elaborations present at encoding but not at retrieval enhanced recall when the original Stein stimuli were used, but not with the present stimuli. The implications of these results with regard to the mnemonic efficacy of verbal elaborations for young and older adults are discussed.  相似文献   

18.
Implicit measures of attitudes are commonly seen to be primarily capable of predicting spontaneous behavior. However, evidence exists that these measures can also improve the prediction of more deliberate behavior. In a prospective study we tested the hypothesis that Implicit Association Test (IAT) measures of the five major political parties in Germany would improve the prediction of voting behavior over and above explicit self-report measures in the 2002 parliamentary elections. Additionally we tested whether general interest in politics moderates the relationship between explicit and implicit attitude measures. The results support our hypotheses. Implications for predictive models of explicitly and implicitly measured attitudes are discussed.  相似文献   

19.
This paper explores relationships between basic personality profiles of voters and their political party preferences. The Italian political system has moved recently from previously extreme, ideologically distinctive parties to form complex coalitions varying around more centrist orientations. Significant evidence was found for the utility of the Five-Factor Model of Personality in distinguishing between voters' expressed preferences, even given this greater subtlety in proposed values and agendas. More than 2,000 Italian voters who self-identified as having voted for new center-left or center-right political coalitions differed systematically in predicted directions on several personality dimensions measured by the Big Five Questionnaire. In the context of the model, center-right voters displayed more Energy and slightly more Conscientiousness than center-left voters, whose dominant personality characteristics were Agreeableness (Friendliness) and Openness; Emotional Stability was unrelated to either group. This relationship between individual differences in personality and political preferences was not influenced by the demographic variables of voters' gender, age, or education. Thus, personality dimensions proved to be stronger predictors of political preference than any of these standard predictor variables. Implications are discussed regarding links among personality, persuasion, power, and politics.  相似文献   

20.
It was proposed that parental divorce does not have a uniform effect on young adults' romantic relationships and that differential outcomes depend on how young adults perceive their parents' divorce. Using a sample of 571 young adults, structural equation modeling suggested that, compared with those from intact families, young adults whose parents divorced held a more favorable attitude toward divorce. A positive attitude toward divorce was associated with lower commitment to their romantic relationship, which in turn affected its dissolution. More importantly, young adults' perception of parental divorce varied depending on interparental conflict and parents' marital quality before the divorce. The variation in the perception of interparental divorce was linked to relationship dissolution via attitude toward divorce and relationship commitment.  相似文献   

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