Stimulus-specific neglect in a deep dyslexic patient

We report a patient (B.V.) who appears to suffer from two dyslexic disorders. First, B.V. showed a severe impairment in reading aloud nonwords (e.g., reading TREST as TREE), in addition to making several semantic errors when reading aloud words (e.g., reading ILL as SICK) and in picture naming (e.g., responding KNIFE to a picture of a FORK). These results suggest that B.V. suffers from deep dyslexia. Second, B.V. showed an impairment in reading the final letters of both words and nonwords (e.g., reading SHOWN as SHORT and reading PROGE as PROOF). Thus, it appears that B.V. also suffers from neglect dyslexia. We discuss how these two forms of dyslexia could be interacting to account for B.V.'s pattern of errors in reading aloud words and nonwords and in picture naming.     

Semantic ambiguity and the failure of inhibition hypothesis as an explanation for reading errors in deep dyslexia

We report evidence for dissociation between explicit and implicit access to word representations in a deep dyslexic patient (JO). JO read aloud a series of ambiguous (e.g., bank) and unambiguous (e.g., food) words and performed a lexical decision task using these same items. When required to explicitly access the items (i.e., naming), JO showed relative impairment for ambiguous compared with unambiguous words. In contrast, the same stimuli produced an advantage for ambiguous words in lexical decision. The results are discussed within a framework of deep dyslexia that considers errors in production to arise through a failure to inhibit spuriously activated candidate representations.     

Semantics and semantic errors: implicit access to semantic information from words and nonwords in deep dyslexia

In this paper we describe dissociations of implicit versus explicit access to semantic information in a patient with deep dyslexia. This acquired reading disorder is characterized by the production of morphological (e.g., SLEEP read as SLEEPING) and semantic errors (e.g., HEART read as BLOOD) and consequently provides a potential window into the operation of both aspects of the language system. The deep dyslexic patient in this study (JO) demonstrated implicit semantic access to items in a number of tasks despite the fact that she was unable to correctly read these items aloud. The findings from this study are consistent with a model of lexical deficits that distinguishes between explicit and implicit access to lexical representations on the basis of inhibitory processes.     

Orthographic effects in the word substitutions of aphasic patients: an epidemic of right neglect dyslexia?

Aphasic patients with reading impairments frequently substitute incorrect real words for target words when reading aloud. Many of these word substitutions have substantial orthographic overlap with their targets and are classified as "visual errors" (i.e., sharing 50% of targets' letters in the same relative position). Fifteen chronic aphasic patients read a battery of words and non-words; non-word reading was poor for all patients, and more than 50% of errors on words involved the substitution of a non-target word. An investigation of the factors conditioning these word substitutions, as well as the production of visual errors, identified a number of similarities to patterns previously reported for patients with right neglect dyslexia, which has been said to occur relatively rarely. These included a strong tendency for errors to overlap targets in initial letter positions, maintenance of target length in errors, and the substitution of words higher in imageability than targets. It is proposed that left hemisphere damage frequently leads to disruption of a level of representation for written words in which letter position is ordinally coded, resulting in exacerbation of a normal processing advantage for early letter positions. A computational model is discussed that incorporates this level of representation and successfully simulates relevant normal and patient data.     

Semantic information is used by a deep dyslexic to parse compounds

We report a case study of a 48 year-old patient, J.O., who was tested 20 years after the removal of a tumor in the left temporal-parietal region. This surgery and subsequent radiation resulted in right side paralysis and numerous language problems. Tests of J.O.'s single word reading abilities indicate that she could be classified as a deep dyslexic with over 16% of her errors in word naming having a clear semantic relationship with the target word (Coltheart, 1980). We examined her ability to read compound words aloud and following Libben (1993) we provide evidence that J.O. is a second case in which there is obligatory access of morphological constituents of compound words. These data are discussed within the context of Libben's (1998) compound word processing model.     

The suffix priming effect: Further evidence for an early morpho-orthographic segmentation process independent of its semantic content

This work presents the results of a masked lexical decision experiment in which we explore the morphological parsing of Spanish suffixed or pseudosuffixed words through the suffix priming effect. Priming the bases or pseudobases with their suffixed or pseudosuffixed forms is the standard process in experiments aimed at understanding the processes underlying morphological parsing in visual word recognition with masked priming lexical decision (e.g., darkness–DARK; corner–CORN). We, however, compare the effect of suffix priming on the lexical decision of suffixed (ero–JORNALERO) and pseudosuffixed words (ero–CORDERO), as well as the effect of orthographic priming on nonsuffixed words (eba–PRUEBA). The results show that in the case of suffixed and pseudosuffixed words, related primes (ero–JORNALERO; ero–CORDERO) significantly accelerated response latencies in comparison to unrelated primes (ista–JORNALERO; ura–CORDERO), while for simple words there was no facilitation from the orthographically related prime in comparison to the unrelated prime (eba–PRUEBA; afo–PRUEBA). These results are consistent with the so-called morpho-orthographic segmentation process in the course of visual word recognition, which might also be independent of orthographic and purely semantic factors. Our results also support the view that morphological parsing takes place regardless of whether a stem is present in a word. These results complement findings from studies dealing with CORNER- and BROTHEL-like stimuli.     

Impaired oral reading in two atypical dyslexics: a comparison with a computational lexical-analogy model

A computational model of reading was developed based upon the notion that the structural relationship between orthography and phonology is of greater importance than the dimension of semantics for the reading aloud of single words. Degradation of this model successfully simulated the reading performance of two patients with atypical acquired dyslexia. The first patient CAV, studied and described in the literature by Warrington in 1981, presented with unusual concrete word dyslexia, i.e., he had a category-specific reading deficit for concrete words compared with abstract words. The second patient BG is a phonological dyslexic who, although displaying a strong concreteness effect (concrete words read better than abstract words), was able to read functors individually perfectly well, a pattern that is rarely if ever seen. The computational model was used to generate a set of words for which it was predicted that BG would show no concreteness effect. The results of BG's reading of these words were consistent with this prediction, thereby providing greater support for the validity of the model. It is concluded that a computational approach that attempts not only to reproduce the core symptoms of the major varieties of acquired dyslexia but also to simulate clinical data from specific patients has much to contribute to the understanding of cognitive deficits and to the design of effective rehabilitation strategies.     

Developmental and acquired dyslexia: A comparison

Jorm (1979a) has drawn attention to similarities between developmental dyslexia and acquired deep dyslexia, an analogy which has been criticized by A. W. Ellis (1979). A series of three experiments compared the two syndromes, using the techniques applied by Patterson and Marcel (1977) to adult deep dyslexics, to study a group of 15 boys suffering from developmental dyslexia. Patterson and Marcel's patients were able to perform a lexical decision task but showed no evidence of phonemic encoding of nonwords; our dyslexic children performed this task very slowly and with reduced accuracy but showed clear evidence of phonemic coding of the nonword items. Patterson and Marcel observed that their patients could not read out orthographically regular nonwords; our dyslexic children were able to do this task, although more slowly and somewhat less accurately than their chronological age or reading age controls. Finally, Patterson and Marcel observed that highly imageable words were more likely to be read correctly than words of equal frequency but low imageability; we observed a similar effect in both our dyslexic group and in their reading age controls. This implies that the imageability effect may not be peculiar to dyslexics but may be characteristic of normal reading under certain conditions. It is concluded that developmental dyslexics differ from the patients studied by Patterson and Marcel in demonstrating a pattern of reading which, though slow, is qualitatively similar to the reading of normal readers of a younger age. As such, our results do not support Jorm's position.     

When does a deep dyslexic make a semantic error? The roles of age-of-acquisition, concreteness, and frequency

Semantic reading errors are the central and defining feature of deep dyslexia. This study compared the words the deep dyslexic patient LW read correctly with those she omitted and those to which she produced semantic errors in terms of their concreteness, age-of-acquisition, frequency, and length. Semantic errors were made to less concrete, later-acquired, and shorter words than were read correctly; there was no reliable effect of word frequency. More importantly, the actual semantic errors produced were later-acquired than the stimulus words, but they were not more concrete or reliably more frequent. These results implicate age-of-acquisition in the process that produces semantic errors. It is proposed that concreteness determines the specificity of the semantic system to activate a set of candidate responses and that age-of-acquisition biases the ease with which certain words can be selected from this set to be produced as reading responses.     

Parallel processing of whole words and morphemes in visual word recognition

Models of morphological processing make different predictions about whether morphologically complex written words are initially decomposed and recognized on the basis of their morphemic subunits or whether they can directly be accessed as whole words and at what point semantics begin to influence morphological processing. In this study, we used unprimed and masked primed lexical decision to compare truly suffixed (darkest) and pseudosuffixed words (glossary) with within-boundary (d ra kest/g ol ssary) to across-boundary (dar ek st/glos as ry) letter transpositions. Significant transposed-letter similarity effects were found independently of the morphological position of the letter transposition, demonstrating that, in English, morphologically complex whole-word representations can be directly accessed at initial word processing stages. In a third masked primed lexical decision experiment, the same materials were used in the context of stem target priming, and it was found that truly suffixed primes facilitate the recognition of their stem-target (darkest-DARK) to the same extent as pseudosuffixed primes (glossary-GLOSS), which is consistent with theories of early morpho-orthographic decomposition. Taken together, our findings provide evidence for both whole-word access and morphological decomposition at initial stages of visual word recognition and are discussed in the context of a hybrid account.     

Word associations in deep dyslexia

Deep dyslexia is an acquired reading disorder resulting in the production of semantic errors during oral reading and an inability to read aloud nonwords. Several researchers have postulated that patients with deep dyslexia have both phonological and semantic access impairments but the data supporting these claims are not convincing. In fact, the hallmark feature of deep dyslexia--the semantic errors--strongly implies that these patients can access semantic information from printed words. We test the integrity of the semantic system in two such patients through auditory and visual word association tasks. The data support the notion that semantics remains intact and that the disorder and associated errors arise through a selection impairment related to failure of inhibitory connections in the phonological lexicon.     

Semantic dementia without surface dyslexia in Spanish: unimpaired reading with impaired semantics

Surface dyslexia has been attributed to an overreliance on the sub-lexical route for reading. Typically, surface dyslexic patients commit regularisation errors when reading irregular words. Also, semantic dementia has often been associated with surface dyslexia, leading to some explanations of the reading impairment that stress the role of semantics in irregular word reading. Nevertheless, some patients have been reported with unimpaired ability to read irregular words, even though they show severe comprehension impairment. We present the case of M.B., the first Spanish-speaking semantic dementia patient to be reported who shows unimpaired reading of non-words, regular words, and - most strikingly - irregular loan words. M.B. has severely impaired comprehension of the same words he reads correctly (whether regular or irregular). We argue that M.B.'s pattern of performance shows that irregular words can be correctly read even with impaired semantic knowledge corresponding to those words.     

Surface dyslexia

Two cases of surface dyslexia are described. In this disorder, irregular words such as broad or steak are less likely to be read aloud correctly than regularly-spelled words like breed or steam; and when irregular words are misread the incorrect response is often a regularisation (reading broad as "brode" and steak as "steek, for example). When reading comprehension was tested, homophones were often confused with each other: for example, soar was understood as an instrument for cutting, and route was understood as being part of a tree. Spelling was also impaired, with the majority of spelling errors being phonologically correct: for example, "search" was spelled surch. "Orthographic" errors in reading aloud (omitting, altering, adding or transposing letters) were also noted. These errors were not due to defects at elementary levels of visual processing.

One of our cases was a developmental dyslexic, and the other was an acquired dyslexic. The close similarity of their reading and spelling performance supports the view that surface dyslexia can cccur both as a developmental and as an acquired dyslexia.

A theoretical interpretation of surface dyslexia within the framework of the logogen model (including a grapheme-phoneme correspondence system for reading non-words) was offered: defects within the input logogen system, and in communication from that system to semantics, were postulated as responsible for most of the symptoms of surface dyslexia.     

Imbalanced word-reading profiles in eighth-graders

This current study introduced a new method to investigate the prevalence and correlates of significant imbalances in the relative accuracy with which eighth-graders read nonwords (e.g., prauma) and exception words (e.g., vaccine). Substantial proportions of students showed imbalanced word-reading profiles, but these were not strongly tied to differences in reading and spelling achievement. Of the students without reading difficulties, 19% had imbalanced word-reading profiles favoring exception words and 17% had imbalanced word-reading profiles favoring nonwords. Of the poor readers, 39% met the criterion for phonological dyslexia (with imbalanced word-reading profiles favoring exception words) and 14% met the criterion for surface dyslexia (with imbalanced word-reading profiles favoring nonwords) in relation to the eighth-grade benchmark readers, but the incidence of these types of dyslexia varied with verbal ability. Of the poor readers with normal verbal ability, 60% were classified as phonological dyslexics and none was classified as surface dyslexic. In students low in verbal ability, surface dyslexia was more common. However, when imbalanced word-reading profiles were defined in relation to fourth-grade reading-level controls, only 12 phonological dyslexics and 1 surface dyslexic were identified. Relatively few cases of either type of developmental dyslexia appeared to be "pure."     

Deep dyslexia in childhood?

Deep dyslexia is an acquired reading disorder in which semantic substitutions (e.g., city read as town) are made in reading single isolated words. In this paper, evidence for deep dyslexic-type errors is presented from the word-recognition responses of six children, aged 7 years and 0 month to 8 years and 9 months, with severe reading disorders. These semantic substitutions occur in the absence of phonological skills. Therefore, it appears that there exists a small subset of developmental dyslexics who at the beginning of acquisition of reading skills are able to engage in semantic processing, but who show severe impairment of phonological processing. The existence of these reading errors indicate that the use of a phonological code is not necessary to extract meaning from the printed word.     

Morphological errors in acquired dyslexia: A case of mistaken identity

Morphological errors in oral reading have been used to support theories of lexical access in which root morphemes and affixes are independently represented in the orthographic lexicon. No support for such theories was found in this study, which examined the morphological errors made by two patients with different patterns of acquired dyslexia. Instead, it was shown that the probability of making a morphological error depended upon the absolute levels of imageability and word frequency of the affixed word and the relative levels of its root morpheme. These properties also affected the oral reading of words without affixes. It was concluded that so-called “morphological” errors reflect the properties of the reading system which influence lexical orthographic access for both affixed and unaffixed words and further reflect the functional level of the lexical pathways available to the patient.     

Evidence for an abstract lexical representation of word structure

Subjects were required to judge whether a particular visually presented word was a homophone or not. When instructed not to read the word aloud, subjects had difficulty with words whose orthography suggested a morphological structure different from that suggested by their homophones, for example, FINED (homophonic with FIND). There were no major problems encountered when the two members of the homophonic pair had the same morphological structure, for example, KNEAD. When subjects were instructed to read the word aloud before making a decision, however, their performance on the morphologically different items improved markedly. This result suggests, first, that inflected words are represented in the lexicon as stem plus affix and, second, that silent reading involves a more abstract phonological representation than the actual phonetic representation produced by reading aloud.     

Word form access dyslexia: understanding the basis of visual reading errors

We report the case of a patient V.E.M. who exhibits the infrequently described syndrome of visual dyslexia. V.E.M. read many single words accurately and rapidly; however, when words were read inaccurately, the majority of responses were alternate real words bearing a strong visual relationship to the target items. A series of observational and experimental investigations of her reading skills revealed that response accuracy was strongly affected by word frequency and mildly affected by concreteness but not influenced by word length, orthographic neighbourhood size, or semantic priming. It is argued that V.E.M.'s visual dyslexia results from a deficit of the visual word form system. More specifically, we propose that this deficit has an “access” quality, with visual word form representations remaining relatively intact despite an impairment in the processes by which these representations are activated. Taking the results of this study together with previous reports of dyslexic patients who make a high proportion of visual paralexic errors, we also suggest that visual dyslexia represents a multicomponent dyslexic syndrome for which phonological impairment and not semantic impairment may be a necessary condition.