3～9个月婴儿对不同种族面孔眼动扫描的发展

本研究采用Tobii1750眼动仪,记录3~9个月中国婴儿对亚洲、高加索和非洲女性动态面孔的眼动扫描。结果显示:随着年龄的增长,婴儿逐步表现出对本族鼻子的注视时间比例高于他族。3个月婴儿对鼻子的注视不存在种族差异,6个月婴儿对本族鼻子的注视显著高于他族,对非洲鼻子的注视显著高于高加索,9个月婴儿对本族鼻子的注视显著高于他族,而对非洲和高加索鼻子的注视不存在显著差异。这说明面孔种族接触经验影响了婴儿对本族和他族面孔的眼动扫描。     

微笑影响面孔吸引力判断的眼动研究

运用眼动仪技术,探寻微笑对面孔吸引力认知加工的影响及其眼动模式。眼动结果发现:被试注视微笑图片嘴巴部位的总注视时间长于中性图片嘴巴部位;被试注视高吸引力图片眼睛部位的总注视时间长于低吸引力眼睛部位。被试先看嘴巴,后看鼻子,最后是眼睛部位。首次注视持续时间从长到短依次是:嘴巴、鼻子,眼睛部位。结果表明微笑影响面孔吸引力的认知加工及其眼动模式。嘴巴对微笑图片有影响,眼睛对面孔吸引力的判断有重要的作用。     

词—面孔任务中的情绪效价冲突效应及性别差异

从中国情绪面孔系统和现代汉语情感词系统中分别选取两种情绪效价的表情面孔(愉快、悲伤)和情绪词(积极、消极),运用词—面孔范式,以60名大学生为被试,探讨了情绪效价冲突效应及性别差异。结果表明:(1)面孔的情绪类型主效应显著,悲伤面孔反应时长于愉快面孔;(2)词和面孔的情绪效价冲突性主效应显著,情绪效价一致条件下的反应时短于情绪效价不一致条件的反应时;(3)表情面孔的情绪类型、词和面孔情绪效价的冲突性、被试性别三者的交互作用显著,简单效应分析表明女性在词和面孔情绪效价不一致条件下对悲伤表情的判别反应时短于男性。     

自闭症谱系障碍者的面孔加工特点——眼动研究的元分析

以往研究将回避眼睛作为自闭症谱系障碍的评估标准之一, 但是一些眼动研究发现：自闭症谱系障碍者也回避注视嘴部。那么回避嘴部是否同样可以作为评估标准？本研究运用元分析, 分别将面孔核心区域中眼睛和嘴部的注视时间作为结果变量, 探讨自闭症谱系障碍者面孔加工的注视特点。通过文献检索和筛查, 共有27篇眼动文献被纳入最终的元分析, 其中眼睛注视时间生成43个独立效应量(1343人), 在嘴部注视时间生成36个独立效应量(1112人)。结果发现, 自闭症谱系障碍组对眼睛的注视时间显著少于普通被试组(d = −0.75), 但是两组在嘴部注视时间上没有显著差异(d = −0.29)。调节效应检验发现：年龄(d儿童 = −0.89, d成人 = −0.04)、面孔方向(d正立 = −0.79, d倒置 = 0.31)会影响被试对眼睛的注视时间; 年龄(d儿童 = 0.40, d成人 = −0.56)、言语智商(d匹配 = 0.63, d不匹配 = −0.62)和非言语智商的匹配性(d匹配 = 0.27, d不匹配 = −0.51)、自闭症的严重程度 (d高功能 = 0.43, d中低功能 = −0.65)和任务方式(d自由浏览 = −0.48, d辨别任务 = 0.90)则会影响被试对嘴部的注视时间。元分析结果表明嘴部注视不能作为区分自闭症谱系障碍者的指标。     

5~6岁幼儿对不同文化背景卡通面孔再认的眼动研究

采用不同文化背景卡通面孔为刺激材料,探究中国幼儿对中国风、日本风与欧美风女性卡通面孔再认的差异及其眼动机制。结果显示：（1）卡通面孔再认正确率差异显著,日本风面孔具有记忆优势;女童对三种面孔再认正确率均显著高于男童;（2）卡通面孔特质中的夸张性对卡通面孔再认正确率的预测显著;（3）文化背景与性别因素显著影响平均注视时间、注视点个数、眼跳次数和幅度及瞳孔大小等总体眼动指标;（4）兴趣区数据显示：对日本风面孔的总注视时间和注视点个数最高;卡通面孔再认主要依赖于眼部、其次为鼻子;文化背景与兴趣区存在交互作用,在注视时间、注视点个数与首注视点指标上,提示幼儿更关注日本风的眼睛区域与欧美风的鼻子区域。综上,幼儿对不同文化背景卡通面孔的记忆和眼动加工存在差异,日本风卡通面孔的记忆优势可能基于其夸张性高的面孔特质,尤其在眼睛部位;行为学与眼动指标均提示女童对卡通面孔的再认具有优势。     

幼儿面孔加工异族效应的眼动研究

本研究探究国内生活的幼儿在加工面孔时视觉策略上的异族效应。研究选取了在中国本地生活并且没有与异族个体有过直接接触的幼儿和成人, 完成一个学习和再认本族和异族(高加索白人)面孔的实验, 同时眼动仪记录了他们看面孔时的眼动数据。结果发现：国内生活的幼儿和成人在加工面孔时存在视觉策略上的异族效应, 即幼儿和成人均更多地看本族面孔的鼻子和嘴巴区域而更多看异族面孔的眼睛区域。此外, 相对于成人, 幼儿在加工面孔时, 更倾向于看面孔的眼睛部分, 进行局部加工。本研究结果在一定程度上支持了专家—— 新手理论, 对本族面孔更多的视觉经验将我们塑造成自身物种或种族的面孔加工专家, 从而对本族面孔更多地采取以鼻子为中心的整体化视觉加工策略。     

本族和异族面孔的视觉工作记忆容量:面孔特征的影响

采用延迟探测刺激匹配再认任务,考察面孔种族和内外部特征是否会影响面孔视觉工作记忆容量。被试先识记2或4张中国人或白人的真实面孔图片,一半有内部特征(眼睛、鼻子和嘴巴),另一半有内部和外部特征(脸型、发型),再进行面孔再认判断。采用Cowan’s K值的分析显示,我国被试对本族和异族面孔的视觉工作记忆容量没有差异,但面孔数量与特征多少会影响面孔工作记忆容量,表明对本族和异族面孔的视觉加工不同。     

自闭症谱系障碍儿童对面孔加工的同龄偏向效应

采用视觉追踪技术,探讨自闭症谱系障碍(autism spectrum disorders, ASD)儿童面孔加工的同龄偏向效应。实验1选取19名ASD儿童和23名生理年龄匹配的普通儿童(typically developing, TD)为被试,通过自由观看同龄和异龄中性面孔,探讨ASD儿童是否存在面孔加工的同龄偏向效应;实验2选取22名ASD儿童和生理年龄匹配的25名TD儿童,通过自由观看快乐、愤怒和恐惧面孔,探讨情绪对ASD儿童面孔加工同龄偏向的影响。结果发现,(1)ASD儿童对同龄中性面孔的注视时间显著大于异龄中性面孔;(2)ASD儿童在愤怒和恐惧情绪下对同龄面孔的注视时间显著大于异龄面孔,而在快乐情绪下同龄和异龄的注视时间则无显著差异。这表明ASD儿童对面孔的注视加工存在同龄偏向效应,且受情绪的影响。     

面孔加工中的热情优先效应：来自眼动的证据

本研究采用眼动追踪技术,从注意的角度考察面孔加工中热情和能力的关系。结果发现：热情面孔比能力面孔的首次注视到达时间更短;热情面孔的注视次数显著多于能力面孔,且总注视时间更长;在趋避判断的消极条件下,个体更倾向于对热情面孔做出回避的判断且反应时更长,在积极条件下则不存在显著差异。这表明,相比于能力面孔,个体对热情面孔注意更加警觉、注意维持更久,回避消极热情面孔的倾向更强。因此,热情面孔在注意和行为判断过程中对个体更加重要,即面孔加工中存在热情优先效应。     

眼睛注视方向对自闭症谱系障碍儿童面孔情绪识别的影响

为探究自闭症谱系障碍(ASD)儿童在不同眼睛注视方向下对面孔情绪的识别能力及视线加工特征,研究选取ASD儿童和普通儿童各17名为被试。结果发现,ASD儿童识别面孔情绪的正确率显著低于普通儿童,而对高兴情绪识别的正确率最高;ASD儿童识别面孔情绪的反应时不受眼睛注视方向影响,而普通儿童表现出对正视面孔情绪更快的识别速度。研究认为,ASD儿童的情绪识别能力偏低,受情绪类型影响显著,且在面孔情绪识别过程中,可能存在一定的视线加工障碍或缺少对眼部线索的关注。     

Differences in holistic processing do not explain cultural differences in the recognition of facial expression

The aim of this study was to investigate the causes of the own-race advantage in facial expression perception. In Experiment 1, we investigated Western Caucasian and Chinese participants’ perception and categorization of facial expressions of six basic emotions that included two pairs of confusable expressions (fear and surprise; anger and disgust). People were slightly better at identifying facial expressions posed by own-race members (mainly in anger and disgust). In Experiment 2, we asked whether the own-race advantage was due to differences in the holistic processing of facial expressions. Participants viewed composite faces in which the upper part of one expression was combined with the lower part of a different expression. The upper and lower parts of the composite faces were either aligned or misaligned. Both Chinese and Caucasian participants were better at identifying the facial expressions from the misaligned images, showing interference on recognizing the parts of the expressions created by holistic perception of the aligned composite images. However, this interference from holistic processing was equivalent across expressions of own-race and other-race faces in both groups of participants. Whilst the own-race advantage in recognizing facial expressions does seem to reflect the confusability of certain emotions, it cannot be explained by differences in holistic processing.     

Neural evidence for the contribution of holistic processing but not attention allocation to the other-race effect on face memory

Multiple mechanisms have been suggested to contribute to the other-race effect on face memory, the phenomenon of better memory performance for own-race than other-race faces. Here, two of these mechanisms, increased attention allocation and greater holistic processing during memory encoding for own-race than other-race faces, were tested in two separate experiments. In these experiments event-related potentials were measured during study (the difference due to memory, Dm) and test phase (old/new effects) to examine brain activation related to memory encoding and retrieval, allowing for selective investigations of these memory sub-processes. In Experiment 1, participants studied own-race (Caucasian) and other-race (Chinese) faces under focused or divided attention. In Experiment 2, participants studied own-race (Caucasian) and other-race (African American) faces presented upright or upside down (i.e., inverted). Both experiments showed decreases in memory performance when attention allocation or holistic processing was reduced, but these effects were similar for own-race and other-race faces. Manipulations of holistic processing, but not attention allocation, influenced the neural other-race effects during memory encoding. Inverted own-race faces showed similar neural patterns as upright other-race faces, indicating that when holistic processing of own-race faces was reduced, these faces were encoded similarly as upright other-race faces. No influences of the experimental manipulations on other-race effects during memory retrieval were found. The present study provides the first neural evidence that increased holistic processing during memory encoding contributes to the other-race effect on face memory.     

Do they ‘look’ different(ly)? Dynamic face recognition in Malaysians: Chinese,Malays and Indians compared

Previous cross-cultural eye-tracking studies examining face recognition discovered differences in the eye movement strategies that observers employ when perceiving faces. However, it is unclear (1) the degree to which this effect is fundamentally related to culture and (2) to what extent facial physiognomy can account for the differences in looking strategies when scanning own- and other-race faces. In the current study, Malay, Chinese and Indian young adults who live in the same multiracial country performed a modified yes/no recognition task. Participants' recognition accuracy and eye movements were recorded while viewing muted face videos of own- and other-race individuals. Behavioural results revealed a clear own-race advantage in recognition memory, and eye-tracking results showed that the three ethnic race groups adopted dissimilar fixation patterns when perceiving faces. Chinese participants preferentially attended more to the eyes than Indian participants did, while Indian participants made more and longer fixations on the nose than Malay participants did. In addition, we detected statistically significant, though subtle, differences in fixation patterns between the faces of the three races. These findings suggest that the racial differences in face-scanning patterns may be attributed both to culture and to variations in facial physiognomy between races.     

Fixations and Fixation Shifts in Own-Race and Other-Race Face Pairs at Three,Six and Nine Months

Caucasian infants were presented 15 pairs of Caucasian own-race faces and 15 pairs of African other-race faces. The infants were assessed longitudinally at ages three, six and nine months. Two measures were obtained from the infants’ eye-movements: (1) the length of fixations on either stimulus of a pair presented for 5.5 s (fixation duration) and (2) the amount of fixation shifts between the two stimuli (shift frequency). The study analyzes the changes in both measures with age and across the within-race face pair presentations. Despite general age-related improvements reflected in shorter fixation durations and a higher shift frequency, the results reveal differences between African face pairs and Caucasian face pairs at six and nine months. During the first trials (spontaneous looking behavior) the infants shift more often between the Caucasian own-race faces than between the African other-race faces. The fixation durations, however, which are typically of focus in Visual Pair Preference Tasks, do not differ significantly between the face races. The results are interpreted in terms of processing differences for own-race faces and the emerging Other-Race-Effect by six months of age. Furthermore, the usability of fixation duration as the only measure in the pair comparison setting is discussed.     

Cross-cultural differences and similarities underlying other-race effects for facial identity and expression

Perceptual advantages for own-race compared to other-race faces have been demonstrated for the recognition of facial identity and expression. However, these effects have not been investigated in the same study with measures that can determine the extent of cross-cultural agreement as well as differences. To address this issue, we used a photo sorting task in which Chinese and Caucasian participants were asked to sort photographs of Chinese or Caucasian faces by identity or by expression. This paradigm matched the task demands of identity and expression recognition and avoided constrained forced-choice or verbal labelling requirements. Other-race effects of comparable magnitude were found across the identity and expression tasks. Caucasian participants made more confusion errors for the identities and expressions of Chinese than Caucasian faces, while Chinese participants made more confusion errors for the identities and expressions of Caucasian than Chinese faces. However, analyses of the patterns of responses across groups of participants revealed a considerable amount of underlying cross-cultural agreement. These findings suggest that widely repeated claims that members of other cultures “all look the same” overstate the cultural differences.     

The contribution of shape and surface information in the other-race face effect

Faces from another race are generally more difficult to recognize than faces from one's own race. However, faces provide multiple cues for recognition and it remains unknown what are the relative contribution of these cues to this “other-race effect”. In the current study, we used three-dimensional laser-scanned head models which allowed us to independently manipulate two prominent cues for face recognition: the facial shape morphology and the facial surface properties (texture and colour). In Experiment 1, Asian and Caucasian participants implicitly learned a set of Asian and Caucasian faces that had both shape and surface cues to facial identity. Their recognition of these encoded faces was then tested in an old/new recognition task. For these face stimuli, we found a robust other-race effect: Both groups were more accurate at recognizing own-race than other-race faces. Having established the other-race effect, in Experiment 2 we provided only shape cues for recognition and in Experiment 3 we provided only surface cues for recognition. Caucasian participants continued to show the other-race effect when only shape information was available, whereas Asian participants showed no effect. When only surface information was available, there was a weak pattern for the other-race effect in Asians. Performance was poor in this latter experiment, so this pattern needs to be interpreted with caution. Overall, these findings suggest that Asian and Caucasian participants rely differently on shape and surface cues to recognize own-race faces, and that they continue to use the same cues for other-race faces, which may be suboptimal for these faces.     

Effects of divided attention and social categorization on the own-race bias in face recognition

Perceivers remember own-race faces more accurately than other-race faces (i.e., Own-Race Bias). In the current experiments, we manipulated participants' attentional resources and social group membership to explore their influence on own and other-race face recognition memory. In Experiment 1, Chinese participants viewed own-race and Caucasian faces, and between-subjects we manipulated whether participants attention was divided during face encoding. We found that divided attention eliminated the Own-Race Bias in memory due to a reduction of memory accuracy for own-race faces, implicating that attention allocation plays a role in creating the bias. In Experiment 2, Chinese participants completed an ostensible personality test. Some participants were informed that their personality traits were most commonly found in Caucasian (i.e., other-race) individuals, resulting in these participants sharing a group membership with other-race targets. In contrast, other participants were not told anything about the personality test, resulting in the default own-race group membership. The participants encoded the faces for a subsequent recognition memory test either with or without performing a concurrent arithmetic distracting task. Results showed that other-race group membership and reducing attention during encoding independently eliminated the typical Own-Race Bias in face memory. The implications of these findings on perceptual-expertise and social-categorization models are discussed.     

Processes underlying the cross-race effect: an investigation of holistic, featural, and relational processing of own-race versus other-race faces

Adults are often better at recognising own-race than other-race faces. Unlike previous studies that reported an own-race advantage after administering a single test of either holistic processing or of featural and relational processing, we used a cross-over design and multiple tasks to assess differential processing of faces from a familiar race versus a less familiar race. Caucasian and Chinese adults performed four tasks, each with Caucasian and Chinese faces. Two tasks measured holistic processing: the composite face task and the part/whole task. Both tasks indicated holistic processing of own-race and other-race faces that did not differ in degree. Two tasks measured featural and relational processing: the Jane/Ling task, in which same/ different judgments were made about face pairs that differed in features of their spacing, and the scrambled/blurred task, in which test faces were scrambled (isolates memory for components) or blurred (isolates memory for relations). Both tasks provided evidence of an own-race advantage in both featural and relational processing. We conclude that even when adults process other-race faces holistically, other manifestations of an own-race advantage remain.     

Perceptual experience shapes our ability to categorize faces by national origin: A new other-race effect

People are better at recognizing own-race than other-race faces. This other-race effect has been argued to be the result of perceptual expertise, whereby face-specific perceptual mechanisms are tuned through experience. We designed new tasks to determine whether other-race effects extend to categorizing faces by national origin. We began by selecting sets of face stimuli for these tasks that are typical in appearance for each of six nations (three Caucasian, three Asian) according to people from those nations (Study 1). Caucasian and Asian participants then categorized these faces by national origin (Study 2). Own-race faces were categorized more accurately than other-race faces. In contrast, Asian American participants, with more extensive other-race experience than the first Asian group, categorized other-race faces better than own-race faces, demonstrating a reversal of the other-race effect. Therefore, other-race effects extend to the ability to categorize faces by national origin, but only if participants have greater perceptual experience with own-race, than other-race faces. Study 3 ruled out non-perceptual accounts by showing that Caucasian and Asian faces were sorted more accurately by own-race than other-race participants, even in a sorting task without any explicit labelling required. Together, our results demonstrate a new other-race effect in sensitivity to national origin of faces that is linked to perceptual expertise.