德性论视域下和谐“医患共同体”的构建

当前"医患共同体"的构建应当回归"德性基础主义"的建构路径。德性论思想从五个维度展现了其对构筑和谐"医患共同体"的理论价值及意义。在和谐"医患共同体"的实际构建中德性价值具体表现在以下几方面:"环境和谐"的德性建构、"文化和谐"的德性塑造、"医疗和谐"的德性创设、"生命和谐"的德性构造。     

社会转型时期"医患共同体"内部失和的政治学分析

"医患共同体"是一种生命共同体.当前,医患共同体内部失和导致频发医患纠纷,有其深刻的政治原因.宜从政治学角度重建和谐医患共同体:第一,平衡医患共同体内部利益;第二,保证医患双方利益协调制度的有效性;第三,重构医惠共同体普遍认同的价值基础.     

社会伦理化向度之探——由"德性"而"德行"的新视角

为了弥补当代道德沦丧和意义的缺失,有必要重新寻找社会伦理化可能性路径.社会伦理的内生点从何延出?是先天的"德性"还是后天的"德行"?是个体自觉还是共同体的觉醒?社会制度化、程序化的规范伦理如何能与道德主体相一致?社会伦理能否公共化、普世化?在社会伦理的建构中,无论是东方还是西方的学者,都不同程度地忽视了由德性而德行的中间环节--常德的培养.     

急诊科医生要重视构建和谐的医患关系

随着目前医患关系日趋紧张的状况,构建和谐的医患关系成为急诊科医生面临的一个重要课题.从救死扶伤为灵魂、有效解除患者痛苦、尊重和理解患者、良好的医患沟通、语言艺术为桥梁等不同角度深入探讨了急诊科医生如何构建和谐的医患关系.     

医者不可不慈仁,病者不可猜鄙——构建和谐的医患关系

医患和谐是医学的本质要求.目前医患关系紧张是在市场经济和高科技背景下,价值选择和制度安排当造成的.要充分利用传统文化的资源,同时适应时代要求,在价值选择和制度安排上促进医患和谐.     

和谐医患关系的心理机制及其促进技术

基于群体心理研究的相关理论和方法, 通过整合医患关系的结构表征与动态建构过程, 提出和谐医患关系的心理机制综合模型, 主张和谐医患关系的结构可以医疗满意度、医患信任以及医疗方案服从性作为基本的观测指标; 和谐医患关系的动态建构过程经由就医前零接触的群际医患关系和医患互动过程中即时性的人际医患关系两大递进性成分相互作用后逐步形成。其中, 群际层面和谐医患关系的建构主要受到医患舆情传播、医疗制度信任以及医患群际关系因素(如群际认知偏差、群体认同等)的影响, 人际层面和谐医患关系的建构主要受到医患人际信任水平和医患沟通模式(包括信息互动模式与沟通交往模式)的影响。在此基础上, 验证并提出和谐医患关系的促进策略。     

中国古代医患关系中的信任问题——以"就医方"为考察对象

尝试以古代"就医方"为考察对象,凭借中国古代众多医学事迹和医家言论史料,深入剖析古代社会"病人"在医患关系中所扮演的角色,侧重于病患及其亲属朋友两类群体对医患信任关系构建所产生的影响.通过透视古代医患关系信任环节构建的历史面貌,期冀为当代和谐医患关系的构建提供历史经验和智力支持.     

社会控制理论在医患冲突危机干预中的应用

作为社会规范运行和保持的加工机制,社会控制既是一种推动社会发展的外源性动力,又是一种保障社会结构正常运转的内源性动力。基于社会控制的动力结构要素,医患冲突可分为前馈控制阶段、同期控制阶段和反馈控制阶段三个阶段。通过这三个阶段的协同运转,将社会控制嵌入人与社会的双向运动中,构建起以社会控制的外源性动力和内源性动力为驱动的医患共同体契合模型,从而有助于挖掘"社会-心理-生理"资源与动态建构的社会控制策略,推动"医患信任危机干预"转向"和谐医患关系建设"。     

构建"医患沟通学"的思考与探索

中国医患关系紧张的原因涉及观念、国情、法制、政策、制度、医疗方式等.构建"医患沟通学"有重要的意义:医患迫切需要恢复和谐信任关系;新型医学模式变革、医学人才的培养及医学发展等更需要搭建"医患沟通"新的研究平台,并完善其理论.医患沟通实践与研究的过程,就是临床教师、医务卫生人员提高医学人文素质和实践能力的新途径.     

和谐医患命运共同体建设的思考

医患关系作为医疗诊治活动中最主要的关系,是以医护人员为核心的群体与以患者为核心的群体之间的关系。近来,医患关系在一定程度上的对立以及由此引发的社会公共事件激起了广泛的社会反响。旨在通过构建人类命运共同体对医患关系的启示,结合社会现实和医患关系实际,从医患双方生命至重的理念统一、防病治病的过程统一、平等尊重的人文情怀统一以及权利义务的关系统一等方面,对当前医患关系进行深入分析,对"和谐医患命运共同体"的建设加以阐释,以期对医患关系的深入探讨提出可行性的建议和支持。     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.