Participant roles and the processing of verbs during sentence comprehension

This paper explores the nature of thematic information made available when a verb is accessed during sentence comprehension. Following Shapiro, Zurif, and Grimshaw (1987), a cross-modal lexical decision (interference) task was employed to examine whether either the number of argument structures or the number of participant (thematic) roles inherent in a verb cause an increase in processing load upon access of the verb. It was determined that there was no evidence for such an increased processing load covarying with the number of argument structures of the verb, at least for those verb types examined in this study. However, there was an increase in processing load as a direct function of the number of participant roles carried by the verb. It is concluded that the participant roles (thematic roles associated with the central meaning of the verb) are stored with the representation of a verb and are made immediately, available upon access of the verb for further processing during comprehension.The first author gratefully acknowledges discussion and advice from Adele Goldberg and the support of grant T32 DC 00041 in pursuing this work. The second author acknowledges the support of NIH grant RO1 DC00494 for the work presented in this paper, and the helpful comments and criticisms of a reviewer.     

A mapping theory of agrammatic comprehension deficits

This paper offers evidence for the Isomorphic Mapping Hypothesis, which holds that individuals with agrammatic aphasia tend to have difficulty comprehending sentences in which the order of NPs is not aligned with the structure of the corresponding event. We begin by identifying a set of constructions in English and Korean for which the IMH makes predictions distinct from those of canonical order and trace-based theories of agrammatic comprehension. Then, drawing on data involving the interpretation of those patterns by English-speaking and Korean-speaking agrammatics, we argue for the conceptual and empirical superiority of the isomorphic mapping account.     

On deriving the properties of agrammatic comprehension

Several recent studies characterize agrammatic comprehension as a computational rather than a conceptual deficit. A restriction in the computational capacity of the processor may affect sentence comprehension performance unevenly due to the varying demands imposed by different sentence structures and different tasks. It is argued that structures involving longer inferential chains suffer greater degradation than structures involving shorter inferential chains. Many of the observed properties of agrammatic comprehension may be seen to follow from this principle alone.     

Syntactic presupposition in sentence comprehension

Two experiments investigated the role of syntactic presupposition in sentence comprehension. In Experiment I subjects verified cleft, pseudocleft and factive complement sentences with respect to preceding context paragraphs, which contradicted either the assertion or the presupposition of the target sentence. Subjects took significantly longer to verify sentences with false presuppositions than sentences with false assertions. In Experiment II subjects verified cleft and pseudocleft sentences with respect to subsequently presented pictures. Once again, verification times for sentences with false presuppositions were significantly longer than verification times for sentences with false assertions. It was argued that these findings are more adequately explained by a “structural” hypothesis, than in terms of strategies designed to locate given and new information.     

Time representation in sentence comprehension

In this study we have attempted to demonstrate the validity of certain hypotheses based on the assumption that in some cases we represent time by means of a linear vector. A verification task in which the subject had to judge the correctness of sentences such as ‘he arrived yesterday’, ‘they will speak tomorrow’ was used to test predictions from a model in which there were the following stages of processing: (a) tense representation, i.e., past, present, and future; (b) adverb representation, i.e., the localization of particular moments; (c) verification of tense-adverb coincidence; (d) response selection and output. The results support the hypothesis that the past has a longer and more detailed representation than the present and the future. Second, the unit of measurement of time appears not to be constant, but to increase as a function of the distance from the present of the moment to be localized. Third, the present and the future tenses seem to have some typical moments: today and tomorrow are most easily localized when paired with present and future tenses, respectively. The model does not entirely accommodate the data, however, and incongruences are discussed.     

Processing strategies in sentence comprehension

Response latencies in sentence-picture verification tasks were compared as a function of whether a mismatch was located in the logical subject (LS), verb (V), or logical object (LO) of the sentence. Sentences were presented auditorily and varied in voice and reversibility. The comparison process for nonreversibles was clearly serial self-terminating: latencies for both actives and passives were ordered LS < V < LO, or, after practice with a small number of mismatch types, LS < LO < V. Latencies for reversibles were ordered V < LS = LO, suggesting either a verb-first comparison process or an LS-V-LO comparison process which did not terminate with a subject-mismatch because of the confusability of the subject and object. The results attest to the importance of considering the "naturalness" of stimuli in sentence processing tasks, and the flexibility of subjects' encoding and comparison strategies both within and across task contexts.     

Lexical information in sentence comprehension

An experiment was constructed testing predictions derived from the mental model theory. According to this theory, individual words in a sentence provide clues to the building of the mental model of the sentence and need to be interpreted in relation to general knowledge of situations similar to those described in the sentence. After reading a sentence, subjects had to produce, as quickly as possible, one aspect of the meaning of a target noun. The sentence either did or did not contain the target noun, and it primed either one aspect of its meaning or no specific aspect of it. The prediction was that the subjects would be faster and more uniform at producing the primed aspect of the target noun after a priming sentence than at producing any aspect of the noun after a non-priming sentence, and this difference would occur regardless of whether the target noun had occurred in the prior sentence. The results, which confirm the predictions, are discussed in relation to current theories of sentence comprehension.     

The roles of sequencing and verbal working memory in sentence comprehension deficits in Parkinson's disease

Studies of sentence comprehension deficits in Parkinson's disease (PD) patients suggest that language processing involves circuits connecting subcortical and cortical regions. Anatomically segregated neural circuits appear to support different cognitive and motor functions. To investigate which functions are implicated in PD comprehension deficits, we tested comprehension, verbal working memory span, and cognitive set-switching in a non-linguistic task in 41 PD patients; we also obtained speech measurements reflecting motor sequencing processes that may be involved in articulatory rehearsal within working memory. Comprehension of sentences with center-embedded or final relative clauses was impaired when they could not be understood from lexical semantic content alone. Overall comprehension error rates correlated strongly with impaired set-switching and significantly with reduced working memory span and speech motor sequencing deficits. Correlations with comprehension of different sentence structures indicate that these impairments do not represent a single deficit; rather, PD comprehension deficits appear to arise from several independent mechanisms. Deficits in cognitive set-switching or underlying inhibitory processes may compromise the ability to process relative clauses. Deficits in verbal working memory appear to impair comprehension of long-distance dependencies. Speech sequencing correlated with neither set-switching nor verbal working memory span, consistent with their being supported by independent, segregated cortico-subcortical circuits.     

Syntactic and semantic contributions to sentence comprehension in agrammatism

Five aphasic subjects, who demonstrated agrammatic speech, and eight control subjects were presented with a sentence-picture matching task in which the factors of syntactic complexity, semantic reversibility, and sentence plausibility were independently varied. A subset of the sentences was patterned after that presented by A. Caramazza and E. Zurif (1976, Brain and Language, 5, 572-583) who concluded that Broca's aphasics rely on semantic constraints instead of syntactic information for sentence comprehension. Our aphasic subjects showed the same pattern of performance on this subset of sentences. However, the results from the full set of sentence materials we tested show that the aphasic subjects could perform some sentence level syntactic analyses, even when syntactic information conflicted with semantic constraints. The aphasic subjects correctly interpreted most active and passive sentences. They failed, however, to assign thematic roles and adjectives in center-embedded relative sentences, and instead relied on nonsyntactic information. These results show that both semantic and syntactic information contributed to sentence comprehension in the aphasic subjects we tested, in contrast to previous claims that syntactic and semantic processes are completely dissociated in this population.     

Emotional nouns affect attachment decisions in sentence completion tasks

We report three sentence completion experiments in which we manipulate the emotional dimension of the nouns in a complex noun phrase (NP) that precedes a relative clause (RC), as in the classic ambiguity in Someone shot the servant of the actress who was on the balcony. The aim was to see whether nouns such as orgy or genocide affect the well-established preference of Spanish to adjoin the relative clause high in the tree (to servant instead of actress in the example above). We manipulated the valence and arousal of the lexical entities residing in the NP. Our results indicate that (a) the inclusion of either pleasant or unpleasant words induces changes in the usual NP1 preference found in Spanish; (b) the effects of high-arousal words are especially clear, in that they pull RC adjunction towards the NP where they are located, be it the NP1 or the NP2; and (c) in the context of sentence production, these kinds of words seem intense enough to promote changes in (and even reverse) a solid syntactic bias. We discuss these findings in the light of existing theories of syntactic ambiguity resolution.     

Against repair-based reanalysis in sentence comprehension

Structural reanalysis is generally assumed to be representation-preserving, whereby the initial analysis is manipulated or repaired to arrive at a new structure. This paper contends that the theoretical and empirical basis for such approaches is weak. A conceptually simpler alternative is that the processor reprocesses (some portion of) the input using just those structure-building operations available in first-pass parsing. This reprocessing is a necessary component of any realistic processing model. By contrast, the structural revisions required for second-pass repair are more powerful than warranted by the abilities of the first-pass parser. This paper also reviews experimental evidence for repair presented by Sturt, Pickering, and Crocker (1999). We demonstrate that the Sturt et al. findings are consistent with a reprocessing account and present a self-paced reading experiment intended to tease apart the repair and reprocessing accounts. The results support a reprocessing interpretation of Sturt et al.'s data, rendering a repair-based explanation superfluous.     

Semantic operations deficits in sentence comprehension

Summary The ability of aphasic patients to comprehend sentences involving the combination of two linguistic operations was tested in a sentence/picture matching task. Sentences included affirmative, negative, uncompared and comparative types. Aphasic patients had significantly greater difficulty in understanding negative-comparative constructions than sentence types involving only a single operation. Comparison of the responses of the aphasic patients with data obtained in a perceptual comparison task revealed that a subgroup of patients had marked difficulty in integrating information in both tasks. The results are interpreted as an indication that some aphasic patients are especially disturbed in their ability to combine several operations in the construction of semantic representations for sentences. It is further argued that this deficit may extend to an inability to integrate information in the perceptual/spatial domain, as suggested by Luria in his discussion of the syndrome of semantic aphasia.The research reported here was supported by NIH research grant 14099 to The Johns Hopkins University. We would like to thank Dr. Annamaria Basili, Chief, Department of Audiology and Speech Pathology, Fort Howard Veterans Administration Medical Center, for permission to test the patients. We are indebted to the entire staff of that department for their continued cooperation, and for their many useful comments on the research reported. We also thank Michael Giordano, Conrad Selnick, and Susan Baisley for their assistance in data analysis. A version of this paper was presented at the annual meeting of B.A.B.B.L.E., Niagara Falls, Canada, March, 1979     

Information structure expectations in sentence comprehension

In English, new information typically appears late in the sentence, as does primary accent. Because of this tendency, perceivers might expect the final constituent or constituents of a sentence to contain informational focus. This expectation should in turn affect how they comprehend focus-sensitive constructions such as ellipsis sentences. Results from four experiments on sluicing sentences (e.g., The mobster implicated the thug, but we can't find out who else) suggest that perceivers do prefer to place focus late in the sentence, though that preference can be mitigated by prosodic information (pitch accents, Experiment 2) or syntactic information (clefted sentences, Experiment 3) indicating that focus is located elsewhere. Furthermore, it is not necessarily the direct object, but the informationally focused constituent that is the preferred antecedent (Experiment 4). Expectations regarding the information structure of a sentence, which are only partly cancellable by means of overt focus markers, may explain persistent biases in ellipsis resolution.     

Information structure expectations in sentence comprehension

In English, new information typically appears late in the sentence, as does primary accent. Because of this tendency, perceivers might expect the final constituent or constituents of a sentence to contain informational focus. This expectation should in turn affect how they comprehend focus-sensitive constructions such as ellipsis sentences. Results from four experiments on sluicing sentences (e.g., The mobster implicated the thug, but we can't find out who else) suggest that perceivers do prefer to place focus late in the sentence, though that preference can be mitigated by prosodic information (pitch accents, Experiment 2) or syntactic information (clefted sentences, Experiment 3) indicating that focus is located elsewhere. Furthermore, it is not necessarily the direct object, but the informationally focused constituent that is the preferred antecedent (Experiment 4). Expectations regarding the information structure of a sentence, which are only partly cancellable by means of overt focus markers, may explain persistent biases in ellipsis resolution.     

Contrasting cases of Italian agrammatic aphasia without comprehension disorder

This study examined the effects of different concurrent verbal memory loads on a recognition accuracy task using bilaterally presented nouns. Four different memory load conditions were examined. They varied along a size dimension of either three or six words and along a complexity dimension of either easy concrete nouns or difficult highly abstract nouns. In each of the above conditions and in one control group, order or word report was controlled and in a second control group subjects were free to report the lateralized words in any order they wished. There were 20 subjects in each of the six groups. As expected, a significant right visual field superiority for verbal processing was obtained. there were no main effects of size of memory load nor complexity of m emory load on the laterality patterns. More subtle fluctuations in the patterns were found in the form of significant interactions between memory load, order of word report, and visual field. These interaction effects suggest that words reported second in the bilateral task, are more susceptible to the interfering effects of either larger or more complex memory loads. This is particularly true for right visual field words. While these data generally support a structural model of hemispheric organization, the interaction effects suggest that modifications must be made to the basic model to account for such factors as hemispheric capacity limits and order of report in the bilateral task.     

The thematic hierarchy in sentence comprehension: A study on the interaction between verb class and word order in Spanish

Linking is the theory that captures the mapping of the semantic roles of lexical arguments to the syntactic functions of the phrases that realize them. At the sentence level, linking allows us to understand “who did what to whom” in an event. In Spanish, linking has been shown to interact with word order, verb class, and case marking. The current study aims to provide the first piece of experimental evidence about the interplay between word order and verb type in Spanish. We achieve this by adopting role and reference grammar and the extended argument dependency model. Two different types of clauses were examined in a self-paced reading task: clauses with object–experiencer psychological verbs and activity verbs. These types of verbs differ in the way that their syntactic and semantic structures are linked, and thus they provide interesting evidence on how information that belongs to the syntax–semantics interface might influence the predictive and integrative processes of sentence comprehension with alternative word orders. Results indicate that in Spanish, comprehension and processing speed is enhanced when the order of the constituents in the sentence mirrors their ranking on a semantic hierarchy that encodes a verb's lexical semantics. Moreover, results show that during online comprehension, predictive mechanisms based on argument hierarchization are used rapidly to inform the processing system. Our findings corroborate already existing cross-linguistic evidence on the issue and are briefly discussed in the light of other sentence-processing models.     

Selective impairment of thematic role assignment in sentence processing

We report the performance of a brain-damaged subject showing a particularly pure dissociation between impairment in processing thematic roles and spared ability to process the morphological structure of sentences. The thematic role processing impairment was observed in both comprehension and production of active and passive reversible sentences, although it was more severe for the latter sentence type. This pattern of performance poses interesting challenges for current conceptions of the nature of language breakdown in aphasia and for models of normal sentence processing.     

Interactive processes in sentence comprehension and recognition

Two experiments examined the roles played by semantic and surface information in reading and recognizing sentences. Subjects read sentences in normal and inverted typography. Their recognition of meaning and other sentence features was tested using sentences whose typography, wording, and/or meaning were either the same as or different from that in the first set of sentences. In Experiment 1, subjects either read aloud or performed a sentence continuation task. For originally inverted sentences, recognition of meaning was high, irrespective of task demands. For originally normal sentences, recognition was low for Read Aloud subjects and high for Sentence Continuation subjects. Sentence recognition was affected by repetition of wording and typography. Experiment 2 replicated the results with the read aloud task and showed the second reading of originally inverted sentences to be equally swift for paraphrase and verbatim test forms. It was concluded that reading and recognition are interactive processes, involving conceptually driven and data driven operations. The interaction of operations may be either automatic or controlled. While processing of normal typography is automatic, inverted typography induces controlled processing, resulting in better retention. Furthermore, semantic and surface information are conceptualized as interacting components of comprehension and memory processes.