论侯外庐先生对道教思想史研究的贡献

道教思想史研究是侯外庐中国思想史研究的重要组成部分。侯外庐首次将道教思想史纳入中国思想史研究的范围,使中国思想史研究领域的三教并立得以呈现;创建了社会史与道教思想史研究相结合的研究范式,避免了以思想解释思想的随意性;发掘在以往思想史脉络中不被重视的"异端"思想,拓展了道教思想史的研究对象;重视儒释道三教思想的交互影响,并提供了可资借鉴的研究思路,为道教思想史研究作出了卓越贡献。     

中观思想的形成与发展——以龙树的定位为中心

本文在分析并明确“中观思想”一词含义的基础上,从西藏传统的学说纲要书的视角、历史与文献史的角度、哲学与思想史的径路三个方面考察了龙树的定位问题,勾勒出印度大乘佛教思想史中龙树的位置——龙树是确立“大乘阿毗达磨”学说的最早论师,并且探讨了龙树与初期瑜伽行派思想之间的关系,阐述了印度中观思想史初期、中期、后期的不同发展状况.     

卿希泰先生道教思想史研究的卓越贡献

作为道教思想史领域的奠基之作,卿希泰先生的《中国道教思想史纲》及《续·中国道教思想史纲》确定了道教思想史的研究对象,构建了基本框架,对推动该领域研究的发展做出了卓越的贡献。卿先生的道教思想史研究在内容与方法上也都极具特色,对于道教史与中国思想史研究领域的扩展与深入都有着重要意义。     

侯外庐的中国宗教思想史研究

中国宗教思想史研究是侯外庐中国思想史研究的重要组成部分。他依据唯物史观对中国宗教思想史作了独具特色的系统性诠释,揭示了中国传统思想具有浓厚的宗教成分、宗教思想与经济基础之间的互动关系、儒学的宗教性质等内容,指出在中国文化的建设里面不能无视宗教传统,其研究成果成为马克思唯物主义的中国宗教思想史的研究范式,对20世纪的中国宗教思想史研究产生了重要影响。     

《资本论》逻辑方法的中国运用——侯外庐的中国逻辑思想史研究

中国逻辑思想史研究是侯外庐中国思想史研究的有机组成部分。侯外庐坚持马克思主义的逻辑观,运用文献学、社会史与中西比较的研究方法,在对中国逻辑思想史的发展脉络进行梳理的基础上,从逻辑思想的载体、主题与发展动力方面发掘了中国逻辑思想史的特点,对于二十世纪的中国逻辑思想史研究产生了深刻影响。     

尽三十年心力之精品力作——读陈谷嘉《宋代理学伦理思想研究》

宋代理学是中国思想史的重要发展阶段,可以说,它是以儒家思想为主体的中国思想史发展的高峰.20世纪80年代以来,学者们对理学思想颇为关注,从哲学史、思想史的角度进行的研究屡有创新,为宋代理学的研究作出了贡献.     

道家语言传播效果的求美旨趣

道家思想中蕴藏着丰富的传播智慧,已成为研究中国传播思想史不能回避的重要对象.郭志坤最早于<先秦诸子宣传思想论稿>一书中阐述了老庄的宣传思想.     

图说医学思想史系列之九:福柯——医学思想史的示范课

关于医学思想史,我们常常会生出"顾名思义"的理解,"医学思想史"不就是医学"思想"的历史,然后将历史上一切关于医学的学术流脉、知识片段、观念意象乃至名医格言,一古脑都纳入思想史的范畴,于是,医学思想史几乎成为一盆大杂烩,一条大麻袋,一切历史研究都归于思想史.     

启蒙的历程:鲁迅思想中的医学理想与治疗型智慧

一 作为五四精神的杰出代表和启蒙主义的伟大思想家,鲁迅博大深邃、极富个性特色的启蒙思想体系一直深受学界的极大关注.尤其是新时期以来,随着对中国现代文化思想史上的启蒙主义历史脉络及其思想空间的深入探讨,鲁迅的启蒙思想问题再度浮现出来,并成为由文学史向思想史的研究转型的热点问题.但是,这种由文学史向思想史的急遽变化,还未真正使微观--直观型的文学研究形成思想史价值取向的体系规模.对鲁迅颇富寓意性质的启蒙主义的表述形态与思想建构,除了一概采用一种相当宽泛的西式话语概念--启蒙主义概念进行学术定位以外,却缺乏更加深入细致的系统研究.     

读张荣明教授新著《中国思想与信仰讲演录》——一部中国宗教思想史研究的力作

张荣明教授的新著<中国思想与信仰讲演录>(以下简称张著)于2008年2月由广西师范大学出版社出版,洋洋25万余言,是研究中国宗教思想史的又一部力作.张荣明教授几十年来一直潜心于思想史研究领域,该书乃是张荣明先生学术积累的成果.通读此书,有以下心得.     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.