Assessment of Sexual Harassment in the Active-Duty Navy

This article reviews past research and the series of events that led to the implementation in 1989 of a biennial U.S. Navy-wide survey of sexual harass- ment for active-duty personnel. Results from the most recent administration of this survey in 1991 are presented and compared to the 1989 findings. In 1991, 44% of enlisted women and 33% of female officers indicated that they had been sexually harassed during the 1-year survey period. Small percentages of en- listed men (8%) and male officers (2%) reported being sexually harassed during the same period. These percentages represent a significant increase from those found in 1989 for two groups: female officers and enlisted men. Specific information regarding the forms of sexual harassment behaviors, the character- istics of victims and perpetrators, actions taken following harassment, and the effects of the harassment experience are presented. Last, data exploring meth- odological issues in the measurement of sexual harassment through surveys are presented and discussed.     

Sexual harassment of university students

The sexual harassment of junior, senior, and graduate student women and men by male and female professors, graduate assistants, and staff was investigated to determine students' personal experiences in the classroom, outside the classroom, and in job-related settings. Usable survey responses were returned by 393 students, and incidents were detailed by 38 women and 9 men who noted their responses to the harassment and its effects. Attitudes toward and acceptance of sexually harassing behaviors were measured by a 10-item Tolerance for Sexual Harassment Inventory (TSHI). The frequency of initiation of sexual behaviors was also assessed. More women than men reported being sexually harassed. Male and female perceptions of classroom behaviors were in agreement for most items. Men and women differed significantly on the TSHI, with men more tolerant of sexual harassment than women, and highly significant age differences were found, indicating a greater acceptance of sexual harassment by younger students. There was little difference between male and female students in the frequency of their initiating sexual behaviors. The TSHI was assessed; reliability coefficients and a factor analysis are presented.This research was supported by a grant from the College of Arts and Sciences. We are grateful to Betty Jones and Joan Bentley for their secretarial assistance.     

Contrapower Sexual Harassment: A Survey of Students and Faculty Members

We conducted two studies to shed light on contrapower sexual harassment in an academic setting. In the first study, we surveyed a random sample of 158 college students (83.4% White) concerning their potentially sexually harassing behaviors toward professors, sexist attitudes toward women, and proclivities to harass sexually. Almost one third of the students reported having sexually harassed a professor at least once. Male students were more likely than female students to be the perpetrators. In the second study, all tenured and tenure-track faculty were mailed a survey; 209 professors (88.9% White) completed the survey concerning their experiences with sexual harassment from students as well as their coping responses, definitions of sexual harassment, and reactions to hypothetical scenarios. Over one half of the professors reported having been at least once sexually harassed by students. Although male and female professors experienced similar rates of sexual harassment from students, the psychological outcome was worse for women than for men. Male and female professors defined sexual harassment similarly. However, when more contextual information was provided in the hypothetical scenarios, several gender differences emerged. In addition, men and women used both internal and external coping responses to different types of sexual harassment. Sexual harassment as both a tool and a result of male dominance in society is discussed.     

The effects of educational intervention on perceptions of sexual harassment

The effect of educational intervention upon perceptions of sexual harassment was investigated. Also investigated was whether gender differences in perceptions would be altered by educational intervention. Participants were 51 female and 45 male undergraduates (36% Caucasian, 31% Asian, 17% Hispanic, 14% African American, 2% unspecified) randomly assigned to three groups: one group viewed a video of vignettes about sexual harassment; another read educational literature about sexual harassment; and a third group, the control group, completed a placebo task. A comparison of pretest and posttest results on the Sexual Harassment Inventory indicated that educational intervention impacted perception of sexual harassment, with the literature intervention showing superiority over the video intervention. Gender differences in sensitivity to sexual harassment in favor of females prior to intervention evened out following intervention.     

Ambient Sexual Harassment: An Integrated Model of Antecedents and Consequences

Research on sexual harassment as a prevalent job stressor has focused primarily on outcomes for the direct targets of harassment; the antecedents and consequences ofindirectexposure to sexual harassment have not been explored. Ambient Sexual Harassment is proposed as an assessment of indirect exposure to sexual harassment. Ambient Sexual Harassment is defined as the general or ambient level of sexual harassment in a work group as measured by the frequency of sexually harassing behaviors experienced by others in a woman's work group. The integration of Ambient Sexual Harassment into the model of sexual harassment developed by Fitzgerald, Drasgow, Hulin, Gelfand, and Magley (1997) proposes that indirect exposure to sexual harassment will have similar antecedents and job-related, psychological, and health outcomes as direct exposure. An empirical test of the model, using samples of female employees from a public utility company (N= 455) and a food processing plant (N= 194), generally supports predictions.     

Right-Wing Authoritarianism and Social Dominance Orientation in a Canadian Military Sample

The Sexual Experiences Questionnaire (SEQ) was administered to 1,060 male and 305 female soldiers from combat support and combat service support units in the U.S. Army. Eighty-four percent of women and 74% of men experienced at least 1 of the behaviors listed in the SEQ during the previous year. However, only 30% of women and 8% of men acknowledged having been sexually harassed in the same time period. Men who experienced SEQ behaviors were less likely to acknowledge harassment than women who experienced these behaviors. The 3 SEQ subscales—gender harassment, unwanted sexual attention, and coercion—were examined as predictors of organizational commitment, turnover wish, the perception of sexual harassment as a personal and work-unit problem, and as predictors of acknowledged harassment. The more serious behaviors were more likely to be acknowledged as harassment than the milder behaviors when the type of behavior was defined as either present or absent. On the other hand, when milder behaviors occurred frequently, they were the main predictors of the perception of sexual harassment as a personal and work-unit problem. Sexual harassment predicted turnover wish and Army commitment for male soldiers only.     

Psychological Consequences for High School Students of Having Been Sexually Harassed

The psychological and educational consequences of sexual harassment for high school students were investigated in two studies. Both studies involved a modified survey originally designed for the American Association of University Women (1993). In Study 1, which involved 760 male and 779 female high school students (mainly 16- to 19-year-olds), we compared the behaviors and attitudes of (a) students who had recently been harassed and were upset by it, and (b) students who had not been harassed. Harassment led to several negative psychological and educational consequences rather than to a general stress reaction. Consequences varied with the type of harassment experienced. In Study 2, we surveyed 30 male and 67 female university students who were enrolled in a 1st year psychology course. We found that current doubt about romantic relations was associated with two types of harassment experienced during high school. Thus, some specific consequences of harassment might be long-lasting.     

Poisoned Waters: Sexual Harassment and the College Climate

This study of 369 undergraduate students (59%female and 41% male, 4.7% African-American, 2%Latino/a-American, 3.6% International, and 88%White-American) found that both women and men weresexually harassed by faculty and other students with a similarlyhigh frequency. More subtle forms of sexually harassingbehaviors were experienced than were the more severebehaviors from both faculty and students. A greater tolerance for sexually harassing behaviors fromfaculty than peers was found. While more women than menused the label sexual harassment, few students of eithergender who experienced specific harassing behaviors said they had experiencedinappropriate behavior, and of those who said they hadexperienced inappropriate behavior, a very lowpercentage said they had experienced sexual harassment.It is hypothesized that the frequency of these behaviors is partlyresponsible for the lack of labeling.     

Hispanic perspectives on sexual harassment and social support

Bridging the social support, sexual victimization, and cultural psychology literatures, this study examines social-support processes in the context of sexual harassment and Hispanic American culture. Surveys were administered to a community sample of Hispanic American working women, 249 of whom described some encounter with sexual harassment at work. Regression results provided mixed backing for hypotheses about support-seeking behavior, which appeared largely dependent on the social power of the harassment perpetrator. Additional findings upheld predictions about support-perception patterns; harassed women perceived more supportive social reactions when they turned to informal networks of friends and family, but responses were less positive when they turned to formal, organizational sources. Finally, as expected, perceived support and acculturation interacted to moderate relations between sexual harassment and job satisfaction. The article concludes with implications for research and interventions related to social support and sexual harassment.     

Faith-Based Organizations: Sexual Harassment and Health in Accra-Tema Metropolis

Sexual harassment occurs frequently in many faith-based organizations (FBOs). This study investigated whether sexual harassment in FBOs was a public health concern in Ghana. A cross-sectional exploratory approach was used to assess the prevalence and incidence of traditional or contrapower sexual harassment in FBOs. We also investigated the correlation between sexual harassment and health. Respondents completed a self-administered open-ended questionnaire in an anonymous survey about sexual harassment during the 12 months preceding the study. We hypothesized that both traditional and contrapower harassment were prevalent in FBOs of Ghana and also that the health effects were the same for both sexes in both forms of harassment. The two hypotheses were generally supported. We found that sexual harassment is a public health concern. Women were more likely to be sexually harassed (73%) than men were (27%). Sexual harassment negatively affects the victims’ health outcome. Secondly, both the traditional and contrapower forms of sexual harassment were prevalent in FBOs in Ghana. The health consequences of sexual harassment in Ghana are the same as in an industrialized country. The implications for policy and research are discussed.     

The sexual harassment of uppity women

In 3 studies, the author tested 2 competing views of sexual harassment: (a) It is motivated primarily by sexual desire and, therefore, is directed at women who meet feminine ideals, and (b) it is motivated primarily by a desire to punish gender-role deviants and, therefore, is directed at women who violate feminine ideals. Study 1 included male and female college students (N = 175) and showed that women with relatively masculine personalities (e.g., assertive, dominant, and independent) experienced the most sexual harassment. Study 2 (N = 134) showed that this effect was not because women with relatively masculine personalities were more likely than others to negatively evaluate potentially harassing scenarios. Study 3 included male and female employees at 5 organizations (N = 238) and showed that women in male-dominated organizations were harassed more than women in female-dominated organizations, and that women in male-dominated organizations who had relatively masculine personalities were sexually harassed the most.     

Brief Report: The Sexual Harassment of Faculty Members by Students

We investigated sexual harassment by college students toward faculty members using modified versions of the Sexual Experiences Questionnaire (SEQ) developed by Fitzgerald and colleagues. The SEQ measures three major constructs of sexual harassment: gender harassment, sexual coercion (bribery), and unwanted sexual attention. The student version of the SEQ was completed by 359 college students (85% White); 102 faculty members (92% White) completed the faculty version. Although we did not ask about their social class, they are typically middle class. Female faculty reported experiencing significantly more unwanted sexual attention from students and were more bothered by it than male faculty. While the frequency of gender harassment did not differ significantly between male and female faculty, the latter were significantly more bothered by it than the former. Concerning students' responses to the SEQ, there were no significant gender differences. Sexual harassment as both a tool and a result of male dominance in society is discussed.     

A Model of Racialized Sexual Harassment of Women in the UK Workplace

This paper examines Black Asian and Minority Ethnic (BAME) women’s experiences of sexual harassment in the UK workplace from the perspective of frequency and types of sexual harassment and characteristics of the harasser; ethnic and cultural influences; power, fear of reprisals, and reporting behavior. Using a snowballing technique, in depth interviews with 17 BAME women who had experienced or witnessed BAME sexual harassment reported that they were frequently sexually harassed by men from the same ethnic background. The fear of job loss, reprisals from male family members and negative organizational consequences resulted in over three quarters of the women not reporting incidents. Key questions regarding the factors and influences that are inherent in racialized sexual harassment are integrated into a model.     

The Incidence and Outcomes of Sexual Harassment Among Hispanic and Non–Hispanic White Women: A Comparison Across Levels Of Cultural Affiliation

An extensive body of literature has documented the widespread and damaging nature of sexual harassment among Anglo women, but little attention has focused on the experiences of women of color. The current paper begins to address this gap by comparing sexual harassment incidence rates and psychological and work–related outcomes of Hispanic and non–Hispanic White women across varying levels of cultural affiliation. Chi–square tests of association suggest that risk of harassment increases with affiliation to the mainstream U.S. culture, and hierarchical regression analyses suggest that cultural affiliation moderates the relation between sexual harassment and occupational functioning. These provocative findings are discussed in the context of social and economic vulnerability, socio–sexual norms, and cultural background.     

Sexual Harassment Mythology: Definition, Conceptualization, and Measurement

Using rape myth research as a template, we developed a conceptual definition and measurement instrument for the mythology regarding male sexual harassment of women, resulting in the 20-item Illinois Sexual Harassment Myth Acceptance (ISHMA) Scale. Surveys from 337 students in the Midwestern region of the United States revealed that this measure consists of four factors, which share predicted relationships with rape mythology, sexism, hostility toward women, traditional attitudes toward women, and ideological support for the feminist movement. We also found that women and individuals with prior training on sexual harassment reject these myths more than men and untrained individuals. It is hoped that this new definition, conceptualization, and measure will advance knowledge on attitudes that support and perpetuate violence against women.     

An examination of the nature and correlates of ethnic harassment experiences in multiple contexts

The authors examined the nature and correlates of ethnic harassment experiences in 4 predominantly Hispanic samples of working men and women (N = 575) using a newly developed scale. Confirmatory factor analyses supported a 2-factor structure for the Ethnic Harassment Experiences scale (i.e., verbal ethnic harassment and exclusion due to ethnicity). Most experiences of ethnic harassment in the workplace during the previous 24 months included verbal ethnic harassment (i.e., ethnic slurs, derogatory ethnic comments, or ethnic jokes). It was also found that participants who experienced verbal ethnic harassment and exclusion reported negative correlates that could not be attributed to affective disposition. For some correlates, those who experienced low levels of verbal harassment and high levels of exclusion were more negatively affected than others, perhaps as a result of the attributional ambiguity of the situation.     

Improving Managerial Effectiveness in the Workplace: The Case of Sexual Harassment of Navy Women1

A decision-making model is used to test causal relationships between a set of constructs thought to be important in understanding the organizational effects of sexual harassment. The model explores the causal linkages between women Navy personnel perceptions of the organization's climate regarding sexual harassment, experiences, and judgments of inappropriate sexual behaviors, and resulting decisions ultimately affecting the organization. The findings advance our understanding of important causal variables in preventing sexual harassment, along with providing managers an early warning or screening device to aid in moderating this contemporary workplace issue.     

Not a Laughing Matter: Sexual Harassment as “Material” on Workplace-Based Situation Comedies

In her book Sexual Harassment of Working Women Catherine MacKinnon (1979) suggested that “Trivialization of sexual harassment has been a major means through which its invisibility has been enforced. Humor, which may reflect unconscious hostility, has been a major form of that trivialization” (p. 52). In other words, making jokes at women's expense and treating sexual harassment as not serious have contributed to its persistence. Situation comedies can be seen as gauges for what is considered humorous in American culture. To explore the tone of and mood toward sexual harassment in contemporary American society, themes and content of “humorous” material on 56 episodes of five workplace-based situation comedies were examined. Results showed that although sexual harassment is rarely discussed on situation comedies, gender harassment is frequently used as “material,” which leads to further trivialization of a serious social problem.     

Aggression among university employees

Harassment among university employees (n = 338; 162 males, 176 females) was investigated by help of the Work Harassment Scale (WHS), developed for the study. Nineteen cases of severe victimization by harassment were interviewed. Subjectively experienced symptoms of depression and anxiety were estimated with two subscales form SCL-90 [Derogatis LR, Lipman RS, Covi L (1973): Psychopharmacology Bulletin 9: 13-28] and aggressiveness was measured with the Buss-Durkee Inventory [Buss A, Durkee A (1957): Journal of Consulting Psychology 21: 343–349]. Females experienced themselves as significantly more harassed than men. Position was related to harassment: individuals in superior positions harassed more often than individuals in subordinate positions. Less victimization by harassment was experienced among individuals involved in research and teaching than among individuals involved in administration and service. The experienced reasons for harassment were predominantly envy and competition about jobs and status. In 25% of cases, victims felt that their sex might be a reason. Victims of harassment experienced higher levels of depression, anxiety, and aggression than others. The interviewed cases showed evidence of symptoms reminiscent of the post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). © 1994 Wiley-Liss, Inc.     

Stability of harassment in children: analysis of the Canadian National Longitudinal Survey of Children and Youth data

No longitudinal information about bullying and peer harassment among Canadian children currently exists. In the present study, the author examined the stability of bullying and harassment. The sample consisted of two cohorts of children aged 10-11 years (n=2798) and 12-13 years (n=1946) drawn from the Canadian National Longitudinal Survey of Children and Youth, which is a stratified random sample of households in Canada. The author analyzed children's reports of bullying and harassment from 1994 to 2001 using cross-sectional time-series analyses. The results show that children who were not bullied or harassed in one cycle were unlikely to report being bullied or harassed at a subsequent cycle. About half of children who reported being bullied or harassed in a previous cycle also reported being bullied or harassed in a subsequent cycle. The author concludes that some children may be resilient, whereas others are vulnerable to ongoing bullying and harassment from their peers.