上博楚简所见孔子为政思想及其与《论语》之比较

已故马承源先生主编的《上海博物馆藏战国楚竹书》(以下简称《楚竹书》)一至五册自2001年至2005年陆续面世以来,围绕这一批新出土资料的讨论已成为海内外汉学、文字学、简牍学、历史学、哲学等领域的热点。学科交叉推动了先秦思想的研究。本文即在学者们讨论的基础上,谈一谈《楚竹书》中所见孔子的仁学与德政思想,以就教于各位方家。这批资料用楚文字抄写,流传于战国末期的楚国。资料所记录的“孔子曰”或“闻之曰”,为流传过程中的传播者所信实;也就是说,即使不是孔子之言,也被由鲁齐而荆楚(空间)、由春秋末期而战国末期(时间)的诸受众(口…     

从郭店楚简《老子》看老子其人其书

老子其人其书是中国学术史上的重大问题,对此,连两千多年前那位博学的太史公也没能说清楚,后代学者就更如雾里看花了。值得庆幸的是,1993年湖北荆门郭店出土了战国楚简《老子》,并于最近公之于世。或许,这是从历史的深处透射出来的一束最强烈而鲜明的光线。人们最大的期望,当然莫过于它能够去除弥漫千古的谜雾了。本文考察的结果是,简本《老子》不但优于今本,而且是一个原始的、完整的传本,它出自春秋末期与孔子同时的老聃;而今本《老子》,则出自战国中期与秦献公同时的太史借。历史上的有关争议,大致都可以在这一框架下获得合…     

我国古代道德家(三)

二十一、二十二 老子、庄子 老子,一种意见认为是春秋时老聃(约前580—前500),据史书记载,他曾当过周王朝的史官,孔子三十岁时曾向他请教过有关古礼的问题。老聘晚年回到故乡楚国过隐居的生活。另一种意见认为老子是战国时的李耳。从《老子》(又名《道德经》)一书反映的社会情况和思想情况看(书中评论了儒、墨、法家),此书当为战国作品。庄子(约前355—前275),名周,战国时蒙(河南、安徽交界处)人。曾在家乡作过管漆园的小官,不久就隐居了。据说他的生活贫困,曾向别人借米度日,有时靠编草鞋过活。楚威王曾派人聘请他做相,他对使者     

《管子》中的精气论及其历史贡献

《管子》是春秋战国时代的一部重要著作。此书名为《管子》,却并非管仲一人所著,其思想内容十分庞杂,上自春秋,下迄战国的社会生活,书中都有反映。诚如南宋叶适所指出的:“《管子》非一人之笔,亦非一时之书,莫知谁所为。”(《习学记言序目》卷四十五)但经历代学者     

《论语》"色斯举"章释读

"色斯举矣,翔而后集,曰:‘山梁雌雉,(<论语·乡党>)这是一段以雉为表现内容的歌舞片段,是孔子与子路二人自娱自乐场景的记录.反映了中国春秋末期之前人们师法自然的生活方式,这也是氏族生活条件下的生活方式.     

论史官与《管子》的形成

《管子》形成的时间较长,大致经历了春秋时的初步形成时期、战国末的主体形成时期,西汉末的最终定稿时期三个阶段.《管子》在产生过程中具有明显的官方参与性质.《管子》中主要人物管仲的特殊身份——齐相以及《管子》的官方参与性质,都与史官密切相关.这些都决定了史官在《管子》的产生过程中所起的重大作用.因此本文分春秋、战国、西汉末年三个阶段来论述史官在《管子》的成书过程中所起的作用,以期进一步加深对《管子》的研究.     

谈《老子》中的“柔弱”思想

老子乃春秋末期人,其书《老子》在后学弟子的不断补充下,完成于战国前期,但是《老子》的主纲及绝大部分篇章为老子所作,这点当无疑。作为先秦道家的代表作和道教的主要经典之一,后人多做注疏诠释,仅《道藏》中就收入了五十多种。它既是研究道家和道教文化的瑰宝,又是两千多年来帝王、贤达用以修身治国平天下的内在法典。《老子》一书是站在宏观整体的领域,提纲挈领的一个总结规律。     

一本内容丰富的中国逻辑史新著——评介《中国逻辑史》(先秦)

孙中原副教授的《中国逻辑史》(先秦)已由中国人民大学出版社出版,该书34万字,共八章:春秋末期中国逻辑学的开端、战国初期中国逻辑学的奠基者墨翟、战国中期中国逻辑思想的争鸣、公孙龙和名家学派的终结、中国古代逻辑学的建立——后期墨家、荀况的逻辑学说、吕不韦及其门客的逻辑观、韩非的逻辑论和辩论观。     

《齐风》的"和谐"美

和谐是礼的最高境界,温柔敦厚是《诗经》和谐美的集中体现。《齐风》的和谐美,在社会生活方面,表现为女子个性的自由张扬,男人气度的雍容豪放;在诗歌形式方面,表现为声韵节奏的和谐舒缓。而春秋时期,齐国泱泱的大国气象,正是《齐风》和谐美建构的社会基础。     

从《公羊传》、《谷梁传》的主要区别浅探齐鲁文化的差异

《公羊传》、《谷梁传》同《左传》一起,合称为“《春秋》三传”,三者都是对《春秋》经典加以解释,但三者所立角度不同。《左传》以阐述《春秋》历史的史实为主,是一部史学巨著,而《公羊传》、《谷梁传》则重“义理”,是两部政治哲理书。《公羊传》旧题战国齐人公羊...     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.