Inequality-Adjusted Happiness in Nations Egalitarianism and Utilitarianism Married in a New Index of Societal Performance

According to the utilitarian creed, the quality of a society should be judged using the degree of happiness of its members, the best society being the one that provides the greatest happiness for the greatest number. Following the egalitarian principle, the quality of a society should rather be judged by the disparity in happiness among citizens, a society being better if differences in happiness are smaller. Performance on these standards can be measured using cross-national surveys, where degree of happiness is measured using the mean response to a question about happiness and disparity expressed as the standard deviation. In this paper we marry these measures together in an index of ‘Inequality-Adjusted Happiness’ (IAH) that gives equal weight to either criterion. It is a linear combination of the mean happiness value and the standard deviation and it is expressed as a number on a 0–100 scale. We applied this index to 90 nations for the 1990s and observed large and systematic differences, IAH being higher in rich, free and well-governed countries. We also considered the trend over time for 14 rich countries and found that IAH has increased over the last 30 years.     

Level and Inequality of Happiness in Nations: Does Greater Happiness of a Greater Number Imply Greater Inequality in Happiness?

Utilitarians and egalitarians have different priorities. Utilitarians prioritize the greatest level of happiness in society and are prepared to accept inequality, while egalitarians prioritize the smallest differences and are willing to accept a loss of happiness for this purpose. In theory these moral tenets conflict, but do they really clash in practice? This question is answered in two steps. First I consider the relation between level and inequality of happiness in nations; level of happiness is measured using average responses to a survey question on life satisfaction and inequality is measured with the standard deviation. There appears to be a strong negative correlation; in nations where average happiness is high, the standard deviation tends to be low. This indicates harmony instead of tension. Secondly I consider the institutional factors that are likely to affect happiness. It appears that level and equality of happiness depend largely on the same institutional context, which is another indication for harmony. We may conclude that the discussion between utilitarians and egalitarians is of little practical importance. This conclusion implies that increasing income inequality can go together with decreasing inequality in happiness and this conclusion provides moral support for Governments developing modern market economics     

Greater Happiness for a Greater Number: Some Non-controversial Options for Governments

There are dramatic differences in average happiness across nations ranging from 3.24 in Togo to 8.00 in Denmark on a 0–10-points scale. These differences are an indication that collective conditions in nations are important for happiness. Can governments play a role in the creation of such conditions? This question is addressed in an analysis of average happiness in 131 nations in 2006. The following sub-questions are considered. (1) Is there a positive correlation between average happiness in nations and the quality or the size of governments? (2) Can we explain a positive correlation in terms of causality? (3) Can we specify causality by discerning direct and indirect effects? (4) What about governments and inequality in happiness? (5) What can governments do to increase happiness intentionally? The conclusion is that the technical quality of governments is an important cause for average happiness in nations, and this causality can be specified to some extent. Good governments also reduce inequality of happiness in nations eventually. The implication is that governments can increase average happiness, and in due time reduce inequality in happiness, and that they have some non-controversial options to do so on purpose.     

The Effects of Income Levels and Income Inequalities on Happiness

The standard of living reflected by one’s income and consumption is the primary explanation for the utility or satisfaction of the private consumer. However, empirical evidence very often demonstrates that the level of happiness is not necessarily higher for wealthy people in comparison to the poor. This holds within specific populations of a country, and in macro terms by comparison between the happiness of populations with low and high GDP_ppp per capita. Different research studies have used other economic and social explanatory variables for determining consumer happiness within countries. The present paper adds the new factor of income inequality that affects happiness. It is empirically proved that at extreme values of inequality measured by the Gini index, the effect of happiness is negative regardless of GDP_ppp per capita. However, at the intermediate ranges of the Gini index the effect of changes in the index on happiness is ambiguous. These results are found regardless of the actual values of GDP_ppp per capita.     

Testing the status-legitimacy hypothesis: A multilevel modeling approach to the perception of legitimacy in income distribution in 36 nations

The status-legitimacy hypothesis was tested by analyzing cross-national data about social inequality. Several indicators were used as indexes of social advantage: social class, personal income, and self-position in the social hierarchy. Moreover, inequality and freedom in nations, as indexed by Gini and by the human freedom index, were considered. Results from 36 nations worldwide showed no support for the status-legitimacy hypothesis. The perception that income distribution was fair tended to increase as social advantage increased. Moreover, national context increased the difference between advantaged and disadvantaged people in the perception of social fairness: Contrary to the status-legitimacy hypothesis, disadvantaged people were more likely than advantaged people to perceive income distribution as too large, and this difference increased in nations with greater freedom and equality. The implications for the status-legitimacy hypothesis are discussed.     

A proof for Rhiel's range estimator of the coefficient of variation for skewed distributions

In this research study is proof that the coefficient of variation (CV(high-low)) calculated from the highest and lowest values in a set of data is applicable to specific skewed distributions with varying means and standard deviations. Earlier Rhiel provided values for d(n), the standardized mean range, and a(n), an adjustment for bias in the range estimator of micro. These values are used in estimating the coefficient of variation from the range for skewed distributions. The d(n) and an values were specified for specific skewed distributions with a fixed mean and standard deviation. In this proof it is shown that the d(n) and an values are applicable for the specific skewed distributions when the mean and standard deviation can take on differing values. This will give the researcher confidence in using this statistic for skewed distributions regardless of the mean and standard deviation.     

Why are conservatives happier than liberals?

In this research, we drew on system-justification theory and the notion that conservative ideology serves a palliative function to explain why conservatives are happier than liberals. Specifically, in three studies using nationally representative data from the United States and nine additional countries, we found that right-wing (vs. left-wing) orientation is indeed associated with greater subjective well-being and that the relation between political orientation and subjective well-being is mediated by the rationalization of inequality. In our third study, we found that increasing economic inequality (as measured by the Gini index) from 1974 to 2004 has exacerbated the happiness gap between liberals and conservatives, apparently because conservatives (more than liberals) possess an ideological buffer against the negative hedonic effects of economic inequality.     

Return of Inequality in Modern Society? Test by Dispersion of Life-Satisfaction Across Time and Nations

It is said that inequality is returning to modern nations and that this is manifest in the widening disparities in income in the late 20th century. This trend is attributed to neo-liberalism, globalisation and immigration, and is seen as a turn in the long-term trend towards a more civilised society. In this paper I challenge the idea of rising inequality. I argue that income difference falls short as an indicator of inequality and cannot be meaningfully compared across time. Instead I propose to measure inequality in another way, not by difference in presumed chances for a good life, but by the dispersion of actual outcomes of life, using the standard deviation of life-satisfaction as an indicator. Comparison across time in EU nations over the years 1973–2001 shows that the dispersion of life-satisfaction became smaller instead of larger. Comparison across 80 nations in the 1990s also shows lower dispersion in the most modern countries. So the trend towards greater equality seems to persist. If there is any truth in the theory that access to scarce resources has become more unequal, the tendency must have been compensated in some way, possibly by greater equality in personal capabilities. An earlier version of this paper was published in German in Glatzer, W., Habich, R. & Mayer, K-U. (eds) Sozialer Wandel und gesellschaftliche Dauerbeobachtung, Festschrift für Wolfgang Zapf, Leske + Budrich, Opladen, Germany, 273–294, 2002.     

Should Happiness-Maximization be the Goal of Government?

Recent social surveys of happiness (subjective well-being) have given a new stimulus to utilitarian political theory by providing a statistically reliable measure of the ‘happiness’ of individuals that can then be correlated with other variables. One general finding is that greater happiness does not correlate strongly with increased wealth, beyond modest levels, and this has led to calls for governments to shift priorities away from economic growth and towards other social values. This paper notes how the conclusions of this research help to address some of the traditional objections to utilitarianism. The question of how happiness research findings can be used to set happiness-maximization goals for public policy needs careful examination, as the translation from research to policy is not always straightforward. Some empirical and ethical objections to this ‘new utilitarianism’ are raised. The complicating factors of public expectations of, and trust in, governments pose obstacles to any proposal that happiness research may lead to changes in public policy and hence to ‘happier’ populations.     

Happiness and Globalization: A Spatial Econometric Approach

Based on the data of Gallup World Poll Survey (GWP), this study employs a spatial 2SLS (two stage least square) model to examines the impact of globalization on the level of happiness across 145 nations. We observe endogeneity of the spatial lag term (Wh) on happiness as well as spatial dependencies in the independent variables (WX’s) which represents indirect effects from a change in X’s in the neighboring regions. We observe contrasting spillover effects (own v/s neighboring effect) of the same explanatory variable generating positive or negative effect, respectively, across space. Further, an inverted ‘U’ Kuznet curve reveals a non-linear relationship between average happiness and happiness inequality. At low levels, an increase in well-being appears to hurt the poor; but beyond a certain threshold, it seems to reduce inequality. We observed among countries that happiness inequalities for developed regions are more when compared to developing regions.     

Consequences of Economic Inequality for the Social and Political Vitality of Society: A Social Identity Analysis

Economic inequality has been found to have pernicious effects, reducing mental and physical health, decreasing societal cohesion, and fueling support for nativist parties and illiberal autocratic leaders. We start this review with an outline of what social identity theorizing offers to the study of inequality. We then articulate four hypotheses that can be derived from the social identity approach: the fit hypothesis, the wealth-categorization hypothesis, the wealth-stereotype hypothesis, and the sociostructural hypothesis. We review the empirical literature that tests these hypotheses by exploring the effect of economic inequality, measured objectively by metrics such as the Gini coefficient as well as subjectively in terms of perceptions of economic inequality, on wealth categorization (of others and the self), the desire for more wealth and status, intergroup hostility, attitudes towards immigrants, prosocial behavior, stereotyping, the wish for a strong leader, the endorsement of conspiracy theories, and collective action intentions. As we will show, this research suggests that economic inequality may have even more far-reaching consequences than commonly believed. Indeed, investigating the effects of economic inequality on citizens' sociopolitical behaviors may be increasingly important in today's turbulent political and social landscape.     

Economic correlates of violent death rates in forty countries, 1962–2008: A cross-typological analysis

ObjectivesOur goal was to identify if there might be advantages to combining two major public health concerns, i.e., homicides and suicides, in an analysis with well-established macro-level economic determinants, i.e., unemployment and inequality.MethodsMortality data, unemployment statistics, and inequality measures were obtained for 40 countries for the years 1962–2008. Rates of combined homicide and suicide, ratio of suicide to combined violent death, and ratio between homicide and suicide were graphed and analyzed. A fixed effects regression model was then performed for unemployment rates and Gini coefficients on homicide, suicide, and combined death rates.ResultsFor a majority of nation states, suicide comprised a substantial proportion (mean 75.51%; range 0–99%) of the combined rate of homicide and suicide. When combined, a small but significant relationship emerged between logged Gini coefficient and combined death rates (0.0066, p < 0.05), suggesting that the combined rate improves the ability to detect a significant relationship when compared to either rate measurement alone. Results were duplicated by age group, whereby combining death rates into a single measure improved statistical power, provided that the association was strong.ConclusionsViolent deaths, when combined, were associated with an increase in unemployment and an increase in Gini coefficient, creating a more robust variable. As the effects of macro-level factors (e.g., social and economic policies) on violent death rates in a population are shown to be more significant than those of micro-level influences (e.g., individual characteristics), these associations may be useful to discover. An expansion of socioeconomic variables and the inclusion of other forms of violence in future research could help elucidate long-term trends.     

Well-being, Happiness and Why Relationships Matter: Evidence from Bangladesh

Although Bangladesh is known as one of the poorest and most densely populated countries in the world, qualitative research and anecdotal evidence suggests its people report levels of happiness that are higher than those found in many other countries. This includes ‘developed’ countries where people have larger per capita incomes and can access a wider range of public services and goods. The paper explores this apparent paradox by analysing primary quantitative and qualitative data, and engaging with existing literature on happiness and objective wellbeing in Bangladesh. The data and analysis presented makes an original and timely contribution to the limited knowledge we have of the construction and experience of happiness and life satisfaction in contexts of extreme and persistent economic poverty. It identifies and offers insights into the ‘personal’ as well as social or ‘relational’ values and goals that people in Bangladesh consider important to achieve happiness in life. It also reflects on how different people experience these values and goals in very different ways. This, we argue, leads to a better understanding of the influence of the social and cultural context in the construction of people’s happiness. In the conclusion, we reflect on the policy implications of our findings.

Area-Level Income Inequality and Individual Happiness: Evidence from Japan

In this study, we investigated how area-level income inequality is associated with an individual’s assessment of happiness, based on micro-level data sourced from nationwide surveys in Japan. It was confirmed from our analysis using logit models that individuals who live in areas of high income inequality tend to report themselves as being less happy, even after controlling for various individual and area-level factors. The association between inequality and happiness is modestly significant, regardless of the choice of covariates at an individual level, and stronger at a lower level of perceived happiness. Moreover, sensitivity to inequality differs substantially according to certain individual attributes. Among others, an important implication for social policy is that those with unstable occupational status are more sensitive to inequality. Given that these people tend to be less happy than others, this result indicates the risk that area-level inequality further reduces the well-being of those with unfavorable employment conditions.     

2004至2016年中国大学生身体自尊的变迁:一项横断历史研究

大学生身体自尊是如何随年代变化的呢？研究对2004年至2016年107篇使用身体自尊量表的研究进行了横断历史研究,涉及大学生30738名。结果显示：（1）我国大学生身体自我价值感、运动能力和身体素质与年代有着显著正相关关系;（2）男女大学生身体自尊水平都有了一定提升;（3）男生在身体自尊各个因子的得分高于女生0.2~0.3个标准差,显示出了大学生在身体自尊水平上的性别差异;（4）从大学生整个群体来看,经济因素、高等教育因素与大学生身体自尊具有显著相关,而从不同性别群体来看,经济因素与人口压力对于男大学生的身体自尊影响更为明显。     

Market Openness, Transition Economies and Subjective Wellbeing

This study attempts to examine the impact on subjective wellbeing (SWB) of economic openness as a social institution. The empirical testing of the liberal argument for the importance of market openness in human wellness is based on a cross-national design. Average scores of ‘feeling of happiness’ in 65 countries and ‘life satisfaction’ in 76 countries measured during the 1990s that are drawn from the World Database of Happiness overseen by Veenhoven (2006) are modeled as dependent variables. Regression analysis generates favorable results for the liberal argument in that length of being an open economy (versus closed economy) boosts the level of happiness, while transition to openness augments life satisfaction. Although the post communist countries registered less happiness in the early phase of transition towards the market economy, in general, our model specification indicates that an open market in itself was not responsible for this region’s unpleasant psychology.     

不患不均？容忍和支持经济不平等的心理学解释

不断加剧的经济不平等问题对个体和社会有着巨大危害,然而人们对经济不平等却有着较高的容忍性。基于个体心理的研究证据,本文提出认知和动机双重路径模型来解释个体容忍和支持经济不平等问题。在认知路径上,个体倾向于低估当前社会的经济不平等程度和将经济不平等评价为公平的;在动机路径上,个体预期经济不平等将带来自我利益的增加。未来研究应进一步整合多重心理机制间的关系,并探索有效干预手段以增加人们对减少经济不平等的支持。