老年社会功能与主观幸福感

社会功能是健康老龄化的基本要素。本文综述了老年社会功能的定义和评估、与主观幸福感相关的老年社会功能理论,以及社会功能对主观幸福感影响的研究进展。在消极和积极老化观的指引下,该领域的研究存在两种取向：前者片面强调社会支持,追求享乐主义取向主观幸福感;后者则强调社会参与,追求幸福快乐取向主观幸福感。今后的研究应在积极老化观的指引下,强调老年阶段积极主动的社会参与和幸福快乐的幸福感,并开展相关的干预研究。     

"大力支持,积极参与":组织内部集体抗争中的高风险人群

组织内部的集体抗争及其参与兴趣是以往社会运动研究很少涉及的领域.那么,一个组织内部如果发生集体抗争,哪些人最有可能参与?本文把那些有意参与的人称为"风险人群",将其中态度最为坚定的那一部分称为"高风险人群".本文利用2003年中国综合社会调查(CGSS)数据,从入职渠道、组织内部控制、组织内部交往、在组织内的社会经济地位、工作满意度等角度研究了"高风险人群"的特征,以及他们参与集体抗争的兴趣与上述组织过程和特征之间的关系.结果发现,入职渠道的市场性和组织的国家属性越强、个人年收入水平和工作满意度越低、与下级同事的交往越多,参与集体抗争的意愿越强.     

"婆子说禅"与女子佛性意识的觉醒——从禅宗语录看唐代女性"成佛作祖"的宗教形象及其历史意涵

唐代社会,女子参与佛教活动极为活跃.从禅宗语录,不仅可以窥见唐代女子在宗教活动中的生动人文面相,而且也能从历史的语境中获取唐代女子具有的时代精神."婆子说禅"这一宗教文化现象不仅说明女性能够超越性别差异以平等的地位参与宗教实践,而且也表明女子亦能"成佛作祖"具有阐扬禅宗妙理的宗教身份,更深一层则反映出唐代女性佛性意识的觉醒和社会地位有跃升的趋势.     

老年社区规划中的无障碍设计研究

随着时代的发展,我国老年人口逐渐增多,我国社会逐步步入老龄化社会,老年人成为社会重点关注对象。对老年人我国将实行社会化管理,建立老年社区为老年人口提供服务,老年社区规划逐渐受到社会中的重视。基于此,文章主要从现阶段老年社区规划中存在的问题出发进行分析,对老年社区规划设计原则、老年社区规划中进行无障碍设计的要求和老年社区规划中的无障碍设计的意义进行分析。     

"矛盾"是合理解读"社会和谐"的关键

自从关于“建构社会主义和谐社会”理论提出以来,“社会矛盾与社会和谐”的关系问题就成为学界关注的热点。不同的学者依据于各自的学术资源和经验感受,对于问题作出了各自不同的阐述。这是十分有意义的工作。它不仅扩展着人们的思维,也必将有益于实践。以学术的维度关注现实重大理论问题,是人文社会科学学者应尽的职责。有鉴于此,本期刊发了这组笔谈,并期待着学界朋友的进一步参与,共同推进社会主义和谐社会理论的完善与发展。     

对"唱法"问题的美学思考

在我国,曾将声乐分为艺术的歌唱法、民族唱法和通俗唱法。当人类社会跨入21世纪,音乐界的主流竟意见发生了变化,认为三种唱法的提法不妥。本文无意参与讨论,只想从“唱法”这一概念的释义、历史和文化等方面作一阐述。     

中国教会需要更多的"爱心行动"

20世纪以来的中国人,对现代化的追求以及对于社会世界历史进程的眺望与参与,有力地摧毁了“愁”字的精致与脆弱,曾记否,一个使我们生活陷于半停顿状态的SARS或明或暗改变了人们的心理结构,我们可以肯定地说,当下,包括我们基督徒在内,需要调整关注社会万象的角度与方法。     

"企业家政府"理论建构的伦理秩序及其正当性

"企业家政府理论"对政府与公民、政府与社会、政府与市场的关系作出了重新认识.在政府与公民的关系上,"顾客驱使的政府"观点把政府与公众的关系颠倒过来,强调公平对待每一个公众;"掌舵而不是划桨"重新界定了政府与其他社会主体的责任与义务,突出了其他社会组织的平等参与地位;"分权的政府"改变了政府组织成员的被动服从地位,强调了组织内部成员的平等地位.企业家政府理论建构的是尊重公众、社会组织和组织成员的自由使社会成员具有更高主体性的客观关系结构或伦理秩序.     

道教应顺乎"道"

中国道教历史上的许多著名高道都高瞻远瞩,从道教的存在和发展的大局考虑,把参与当时社会活动作为弘道的主要内容。其所以如此,主要有两方面的原因:一是道教从创立起,就以济世救人为己     

西塞罗的老年幸福论

本文围绕西塞罗在《论老年》中对“老年是不幸福的”这一基本观点的驳斥,阐发了健康、乐观而又达观的老年精神生活或老年伦理观,及其对于建构现代社会老年伦理的启迪意义     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.