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1.
This study tested the hypothesis that family members showing greater commonality (similarity) and sociality (predictive accuracy) in their construing of family relationships would display greater satisfaction with those relationships than would individuals in families whose relational construing was more discrepant and unpredictable. Forty-seven family triads participated in the study, including a mother, father, and adolescent from each family. Measures of commonality and sociality in the construction of family relationships derived from a family relationships grid were compared to measures of family structure, including the Family Cohesion and Adaptability Evaluation Scale (FACES-II) (Olson, Portner, & Bell, 1982) and the Parent-Adolescent Communication Scale (PACS) (Barnes & Olson, 1982). The findings suggest that members' perceptions of the family as emotionally close, flexible, and communicative may not represent independent aspects of the family structure, at least within the present nonclinical sample. Comparison of the family relationship grids with the FACES-H and PACS demonstrated that commonality and sociality among family members was highly related to mothers' and adolescents' family satisfaction, but was much less predictive of that of the father.  相似文献   

2.
Integrating Social/Political Influence Theory with the Theory of Planned Behavior, we argue that personal resources (i.e., political skill, self-efficacy) enable political candidates to form more ambitious campaign intentions, and thus perform better in elections. We tested this model with a sample of political candidates (N = 225) campaigning in a British general election. Three months before polling day, candidates provided self-ratings of political skill, domain-specific self-efficacy (i.e., campaign efficacy), and personal campaign intentions during the campaign period. Our results demonstrated that political skill was positively related to campaign efficacy, and intentions, via campaign efficacy. We also found a significant indirect effect for political skill on electoral performance (i.e., percentage of the vote), through campaign efficacy and intentions. Implications of our results for understanding candidate effects in campaigns and future research are discussed.  相似文献   

3.
This study examined the psychological impact of global subjective appraisals of influence exerted on people's lives by common political events. A list of 24 political events was administered to a random sample of 400 adults in Poland. Political self‐efficacy, interest in politics, perceived political social support, and political collective efficacy were also assessed as potential moderators of the link between political stress appraisals and subjective well‐being (satisfaction with life, sense on anomie, positive affect). Perceptions of the negative influence of political stressors on one's life and the life of the country were associated with concomitant variations in subjective well‐being. Among psychosocial resources, political self‐efficacy consistently moderated the influence of appraisals of political stressors on satisfaction with life and positive affect.  相似文献   

4.
College students most at risk for engaging in binge drinking are members of Greek organizations and athletic teams (Grenier, Borskey, & Folse, 1998; Wechsler, Dowdall, Davenport, & Castillo, 1995). Membership in religious organizations may moderate binge drinking (O'Hare, 1990). One hundred thirty-nine college students completed the Core Alcohol and Drug Survey (Presley, Meilman, & Lyerla, 1994), the Group Identification Scale (Hinkle, Taylor, Fox-Cardamone, & Crook, 1989), and the ‘Age-Universal’ I-E - 12 (Maltby, 1999). The results indicate that gender is related to average number of drinks per week. Membership in low alcohol consumption organizations was related to decreases in the frequency of alcohol usage within the previous year, which indicates that decreasing alcohol consumption may be more effective by promoting low alcohol consumption organizations.  相似文献   

5.
Political researchers point to church activities as a major avenue for lower–class individuals to learn the civic skills necessary for many forms of political participation, the skills that higher–status individuals learn through education and occupation. This article tests this theory through multilevel analyses of the effects of both individual income and average congregational income on three measures of participation in church activities and organizations that offer participants the opportunity to learn and exercise civic skills. The results show that churches are only slightly stratified when it comes to members' participation in charity, public policy, or social justice organizations within the church, suggesting that they offer some promise to teach civic skills to the lower–income members. Nevertheless, churches are moderately stratified in terms of members' participation in administration, finance, or buildings organizations within the church, and strongly stratified in organizations in general within the church, suggesting that higher–income members receive the majority of civic–skill practice and training in Christian congregations in the United States.  相似文献   

6.
College students most at risk for engaging in binge drinking are members of Greek organizations and athletic teams (Grenier, Borskey, & Folse, 1998; Wechsler, Dowdall, Davenport, & Castillo, 1995). Membership in religious organizations may moderate binge drinking (O'Hare, 1990). One hundred thirty-nine college students completed the Core Alcohol and Drug Survey (Presley, Meilman, & Lyerla, 1994), the Group Identification Scale (Hinkle, Taylor, Fox-Cardamone, & Crook, 1989), and the ‘Age-Universal’ I-E - 12 (Maltby, 1999). The results indicate that gender is related to average number of drinks per week. Membership in low alcohol consumption organizations was related to decreases in the frequency of alcohol usage within the previous year, which indicates that decreasing alcohol consumption may be more effective by promoting low alcohol consumption organizations.  相似文献   

7.
Abstract.— Political perception was studied as a function of the perceiver's political viewpoint. The political stimuli used were the names of 9 Swedish political parties or organizations. Political viewpoint was defined by the person's political party preference. The subjects were 105 undergraduate psychology students. Different aspects of political party perception were studied concerning (a) perceived positions of the parties on a Left-Right continuum, ( b ) perceived similarity among parties, and (c) the number and nature of inferred dimensions and categories underlying the perception of the parties. With regard to (a) and (b), the analyses indicated systematic differences among political preference groups, whereas the number and nature of political dimensions seemed to be the same. Thus, for both socialists and nonsocialists the dimensions underlying the perception of Swedish political parties could be interpreted as "left-right", "extremity", and "religiosity".  相似文献   

8.
This study has been designed to investigate, from a multilevel perspective, the relations among positivity and job performance. Analyses were conducted on a sample of 232 participants from three Italian organizations with the Group Actor-Partner Interdependence Model (Kenny & Garcia, 2012). Results corroborate previous findings attesting to the beneficial effects of positivity on organizational behaviours and in particular attest to the crucial role of others’ positivity in neutralizing an individual’s low positivity. People low in positivity performed better when other group members’ positivity was high.  相似文献   

9.
How information guides movement: intercepting curved free kicks in soccer   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
Previous studies have shown that balls subjected to spin induce large errors in perceptual judgments ( [Craig et al., 2006] and [Craig et al., 2009] ) due to the additional accelerative force that causes the ball’s flight path to deviate from a standard parabolic trajectory. A recent review however, has suggested that the findings from such experiments may be imprecise due to the decoupling of perception and action and the reliance on the ventral system (van der Kamp, Rivas, van Doorn, & Savelsbergh, 2008). The aim of this study was to present the same curved free kick trajectory simulations from the perception only studies ( [Craig et al., 2006] and [Craig et al., 2009] ) but this time allow participants to move to intercept the ball. By using immersive, interactive virtual reality technology participants were asked to control the movement of a virtual effector presented in a virtual soccer stadium so that it would make contact with a virtual soccer ball as it crossed the goal-line. As in the perception only studies the direction of spin had a significant effect on the participants’ responses with significantly fewer balls being intercepted in the spin conditions when compared to no-spin conditions. A significantly higher percentage of movement reversals for the spin conditions served to highlight the link between information specifying ball heading direction and subsequent movement. The coherence of the findings for both the perception and perception/action study are discussed in light of the dual systems model for visual processing.  相似文献   

10.
Lakatos (1993) reported interesting data that indeed support “the hypothesis that the extent of spatial separation between successive sound events directly affects the perception of time intervals between these events” (p. 139). The present comment is an attempt to show that, as far as the horizontal plane is concerned, Lakatos’s hypothesis was already answered qualitatively by Axelrod and coworkers (Axelrod & Guzy, 1968; Axelrod, Guzy, & Diamond, 1968) in their studies of attention shifting, and by ten Hoopen and coworkers, who quantified the amount of “interaural time dilation” (Akerboom, ten Hoopen, Olierook, & van der Schaaf, 1983; ten Hoopen, 1982; ten Hoopen, Vos, & Dispa, 1982). Nonetheless, Lakatos’s study is very worthwhile. It originated from the realm of “apparent motion paradigms,” but I will argue that the study rather used an “auditory streaming paradigm,” and that the data is a welcome contribution to elucidate how the perceptual processes of auditory stream formation and interaural time dilation interact.  相似文献   

11.
Political efficacy is addressed within the framework of social cognitive theory and a new measure to assess perceived political self‐efficacy is presented. Three studies document the validity of the new scale of measurement. The first study (N = 1673) examined the psychometric properties of the scale in accordance with classical test theory. This led to the identification of a unidimensional factor structure, including perceived political self‐efficacy in promoting one's own political opinion, in sustaining the political programs of the party to which one belongs, and in monitoring one's own political representatives' commitment. The second study (N = 632) further confirmed the internal and construct validity of the scale; criterion validity was also investigated using several indicators of political interest and participation. The third study (N = 1176) showed that politicians holding offices have higher levels of perceived political self‐efficacy than partisans and voters, further corroborating the criterion validity of the scale. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

12.
The purpose of the present investigation was to examine if different groups of individuals with similarities in personality and cultural characteristics perceive transport risks differently. The respondents were a representative sample of the Norwegians public (n = 1687). Cluster analysis [Everitt, B. S., Landau, S., & Leese, M. (2001). Cluster analysis. London: Arnold] was applied to identify the groups. There were significant differences in transport risk perception between members of different clusters. However, members with different worldviews did not perceive risk according to the patterns described by cultural theory [Douglas, M., & Wildavsky, A. (1982). Risk and culture. Berkely, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press] and the relations between culture and risk perception seemed somewhat sporadic and unsystematic. Hence the conclusion that there are other factors more important to transport risk perception than the included cultural- and personality characteristics, was supported.  相似文献   

13.
Abstract

As previous studies of alienation can be criticized on the grounds that most measures do not control for acquiescence, the present study sought to reexamine the relationship between alienation and certain psychological variables in an Australian and in a white South African sample. This study used the new balanced General Alienation Scale (Ray, 1982). Results showed the alienated to be anxious (both samples), to have low self-esteem (South Africa), not to be respectful of those in authority, and to be of any age (both samples). The alienated in both samples were also found not to be political radicals. This latter finding is in contrast to earlier research (Ray, 1974).  相似文献   

14.
Political scandals are highly relevant for political decision-making and democratic processes more generally. While most prior research employed experimental and cross-sectional survey studies, we tested the effects of a political scandal in the context of the 2017 Austrian Parliamentary Elections using panel data (N = 559, both waves). Importantly, we used a unique data set collected before and just after a major scandal broke in the final election phase. Drawing on a motivated reasoning perspective, attribution theory, and the inclusion/exclusion model, our results revealed a scandal-eroding effect particularly damaging a candidate's own base of supporters and leaving followers in disappointment. The findings also showed a negative scandal-spillover effect for candidate supporters high in scandal knowledge decreasing political trust toward other politicians. Importantly, the results revealed that negative candidate evaluations are not a necessary precondition for negative spillover effects on political trust more generally.  相似文献   

15.
This study examined the factor structure, internal consistency reliability and construct validity of the multidimensional health locus of control (MHLC) instruments developed by K. A. Wallston, B. S. Wallston, and DeVellis (1978) and Lau (Lau, 1982; Lau & Ware, 1981), Both measures were administered to a sample of Veterans Administration (VA) medical outpatients (N = 181). Only minimal evidence of convergence was found between corresponding scales of the two MHLC instruments. Low convergent validity appears attributable to the poor internal consistency reliability of the Lau-Ware subscales. Moreover, results of factor analysis largely supported the a priori factor structure of the K. A. Wallston et at. (1978) MHLC instrument but failed to support the factor structure of the Lau-Ware instrument, Health locus of control (HLC) dimensions that emerged from simultaneous factor analysis of both instruments were most consistent with a three-dimensional typology (i.e., Personal Control, Professional Control and Chance) rather than the four-dimensional typology proposed by Lau (Lau, 1982; Lau & Ware, 1981). Implications for HLC conceptualization and measurement are discussed.  相似文献   

16.
This study examines whether sex-role identities and attitudes toward sex roles are part of a more general liberal—conservative dimension of political ideology. Survey data are analyzed from two independent random samples of Indiana University students in 1974–1975. Sex-role attitudes are measured by two scales, dealing with evaluations of the traditional sex-based division of labor and levels of sex-stereotyping of various tasks. The Bem Sex Role Inventory is used to measure respondents' sex-role identities. Those who score more liberal or flexible on each measure of sex-role attitudes are also very likely to hold liberal political attitudes. These correlations are strong and consistent enough to indicate that sex-role attitudes fit into a more general liberal—conservative ideology, at least among college students. Correlations between sex-role identities and political attitudes are much weaker. Among men, liberal political attitudes are associated with a more flexible (androgynous) sex-role identity; among women, in contrast, liberal political attitudes are related more consistently to a more traditionally masculine sex-role identity.We gratefully acknowledge the assistance of the Indiana University Women's Studies Program, Michael A. Maggiotto, Christine Williams, and especially Barbara Allen for her insightful comments and capable data analysis.  相似文献   

17.
This article develops a general model relating job characteristics to biases in the perception of managers' abilities. A 2 x 2 x 2 between-subjects design was used to vary managerial task complexity, subordinate task complexity, and managers' rates of giving orders. The subjects were 216 upper-level undergraduate students who were randomly assigned to 72 three-person groups. Relative, but not absolute, levels of task complexity biased subordinates' evaluations of managers. This finding is consistent with equity theory and with leadership theories that emphasize the relative contributions of leaders and group members. Procedures that increased order-giving increased subordinates' appraisals of managers when managers performed either relatively more or relatively less complex work than did subordinates, but had no effect under equal complexity conditions. The results are discussed in terms of leader-member exchange theories and contingency theories of leadership (Dienesch & Liden, 1986; Fiedler & Chemers, 1984; Graen, Novak, & Sommerkamp, 1982; Kerr & Jermier, 1978).  相似文献   

18.
Two reading experiments were conducted to investigate the effect of phoneme repetition during silent reading (also referred to as the visual tongue-twister effect, see McCutchen & Perfetti, 1982; Perfetti & McCutchen, 1982) in conjunction with end-of-clause and end-of-sentence wrap-up effects (Just & Carpenter, 1982; Rayner, Sereno, Morris, Schmauder, & Clifton, 1989). In both experiments, reading time was measured on sentences containing either six or zero words sharing the same initial phoneme. Sentences were presented in a phrase-by-phrase moving window, with each phrase either containing one word that involved a repeated phoneme or a matched word not involving a repeated phoneme. The sixth presentation region either contained or did not contain a comma (Experiment 1) or a period (Experiment 2). The results showed that the effect of phoneme repetition occurred relatively late during sentence processing, only after integration processing related to end-of-clause and end-of-sentence wrap-up occurred.  相似文献   

19.
In a democratic political system, where decisions are made by majority rule, the permanent exclusion of minorities is always a possibility. This raises a crucial question: what psychological mechanisms may allow members of a majority to identify with the political goals of a minority group? One possibility is that they are precisely the same mechanisms responsible for motivating minority members themselves to identify with the minority's political goals. According to the racial attitudes literature, African Americans are motivated by feelings of closeness toward Blacks to support pro‐Black policies. This study investigates the possibility that feelings of closeness toward Blacks may also motivate White Americans to support pro‐Black policies. To circumvent possible social desirability effects often associated with questions of race, feelings of closeness are measured both on the conscious (explicit) and nonconscious (implicit) levels. The implicit closeness measure is based on the idea of “cognitive self‐other overlap” ( Aron, Aron, Tudor, & Nelson, 1991 ) and has previously been used to measure nonconscious feelings of closeness in individual relationships. This study represents an application of this measure to the group level of racial intergroup relations. The study is based on a sample of 555 college students of diverse racial backgrounds. Results of a Granger‐causality test support the construct validity of the implicit closeness measure. Furthermore, explicit and implicit feelings of closeness toward African Americans predict pro‐Black policy support whether White participants are considered alone or together with participants of other backgrounds. Political and methodological implications of these findings are discussed.  相似文献   

20.
Merging the climate and politics literatures, this study evaluates whether organizations have a singular, shared political climate or whether sub-climates, “pockets of politics,” exist. Sub-climate formation is investigated by utilizing both political and climate explanations to determine the level of formation. The sample consisted of 891 employees of a retail services firm and the results of the study indicate that political climates do exist and may be best distinguished by defining the employee’s interactional patterns.  相似文献   

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