Preschoolers Use Trait-Relevant Information to Evaluate the Appropriateness of an Aggressive Response

The tendency for 3- to 5-year-old children to use trait-relevant information about other people when evaluating aggressive responses to ambiguous behavior was examined across two studies (N = 81). Children were more likely to endorse the use of aggression against a "mean" versus a "nice" story character. Additionally, they were more likely to endorse the use of aggression against a story character who feels happy rather than sad when bad things happen to other kids. These findings suggest that, as early as preschool, trait-relevant information about other people can serve as a tool with which children evaluate the appropriateness of aggression in response to ambiguous behavior. Moreover, these findings provide evidence that even before the onset of formal schooling, trait and mental state information can influence social judgments.     

When children ask, "What is it?" what do they want to know about artifacts?

When children ask, "What is it?" are they seeking information about what something is called or what kind of thing it is? To find out, we gave 2-, 3-, and 4-year-olds (32 at each age) the opportunity to inquire about unfamiliar artifacts. An ambiguous question was answered with a name or with functional information, depending on the group to which the children were assigned. Children were inclined to follow up with additional questions about the object when they had been told its name, but seemed satisfied with the answer when they had been told the object's function. Moreover, children in the name condition tended to substitute questions about function for ambiguous questions over the course of the session. These results indicate that children are motivated to discover what kinds of things novel artifacts are, and that young children, like adults, conceive of artifact kinds in terms of their functions.     

Children's ability to make tentative interpretations of ambiguous messages

Consistent with prior research, 5- and 6-year-old children overestimated their knowledge of the intended referent of ambiguous messages. Yet they correctly revised their interpretations of ambiguous messages in light of contradicting information that followed immediately, while maintaining their initial interpretations of unambiguous messages (Experiment 1). Children of this age were able to integrate information over two successive ambiguous messages to identify the intended referent (Experiment 2). However, unlike 7- and 8-year-olds, they were no more likely to search for further information following ambiguous messages compared with unambiguous ones (Experiment 3). We conclude that although 5- and 6-year-olds' interpretations of ambiguous messages are not tentative at the outset, they can use source monitoring skills to treat them as tentative retrospectively, at least over short time spans.     

Preschoolers Use Social Allegiances to Predict Behavior

Developing mechanisms for predicting human action is a critical task of early conceptual development. Three studies examined whether 4-year-old children (N = 149) use social allegiances to predict behavior, by testing whether they expect the experiences of social partners to influence individual action. After being exposed to a conflict between two individuals from different novel social categories, children reliably predicted that another member of one category would withhold friendship from the contrasting category (Studies 1 and 2) and direct harmful actions toward the contrasting category (Study 3). Children did so even when the initial conflict had no direct implications for the other category members, and even when they knew that the two social categories had a positive relationship in the past. These data show that young children view social categories as marking people who are obligated to one another, and thus use the experiences of allegiance partners to predict how individuals will behave. [Supplementary materials are available for this article. Visit the publisher's online edition of Journal of Cognition and Development for the following free supplemental resource(s): Appendices.]     

What do children want to know about animals and artifacts? Domain-specific requests for information

Children's questions may reveal a great deal about the characteristics of objects they consider to be conceptually important. Thirty-two preschool children were given opportunities to ask questions about unfamiliar artifacts and animals. The children asked ambiguous questions such as "What is it?" about artifacts and animals alike. However, they were more likely to ask about the functions of artifacts, but about category membership, food choices, and typical locations of animals. They never asked questions about either artifacts or animals that would be considered inappropriate by adults. The results indicate that children hold different expectations about the types of information important for categorizing living and artifact kinds. Young children conceive of artifacts in terms of functions, but conceive of animals in terms of biologically appropriate characteristics. Such results speak to debates about the role of function in children's biological reasoning and to accounts of children's artifact concepts.     

What children infer from social categories

Children hold the belief that social categories have essences. We investigated what kinds of properties children feel licensed to infer about a person based on social category membership. Seventy-two 4-6-year-olds were introduced to novel social categories defined as having one internal - psychological or biological - and one external - behavioral or physical - property. For half of the participants, the internal property was described as causing the external one; for the others, no causal relationship between properties was mentioned. Children were asked to choose as a novel exemplar of a category one with only the internal or only the external property. Children inferred that exemplars had a psychological property irrespective of causal status, but they inferred the presence of a biological property only when described as causal. Children did not draw systematic inferences regarding either of the two external properties. These findings indicate that children treat psychological and causal properties as central - and perhaps essential - to human kinds.     

Preschool children's use of cues to generic meaning

Sentences that refer to categories - generic sentences (e.g., "Dogs are friendly") - are frequent in speech addressed to young children and constitute an important means of knowledge transmission. However, detecting generic meaning may be challenging for young children, since it requires attention to a multitude of morphosyntactic, semantic, and pragmatic cues. The first three experiments tested whether 3- and 4-year-olds use (a) the immediate linguistic context, (b) their previous knowledge, and (c) the social context to determine whether an utterance with ambiguous scope (e.g., "They are afraid of mice", spoken while pointing to 2 birds) is generic. Four-year-olds were able to take advantage of all the cues provided, but 3-year-olds were sensitive only to the first two. In Experiment 4, we tested the relative strength of linguistic-context cues and previous-knowledge cues by putting them in conflict; in this task, 4-year-olds, but not 3-year-olds, preferred to base their interpretations on the explicit noun phrase cues from the linguistic context. These studies indicate that, from early on, children can use contextual and semantic information to construe sentences as generic, thus taking advantage of the category knowledge conveyed in these sentences.     

How do parents respond to children's questions about the identity of artifacts?

We investigated how parents respond to young children's questions about the identity of artifacts. Children's questions were predominantly ambiguous about whether they were inquiring about name or function, but when their questions were more specific, they were almost always about function. For unfamiliar objects, parents responded with functional information the majority of the time, alone or in addition to names. For atypical members of familiar categories, adults usually responded only with the category name. The results indicate that adults adjust their responses in a way that often provides the information about object kind, specifically functional information in the case of artifacts, that they believe their children are lacking. Such input may contribute to the development of children's concepts and word meanings.     

Preschoolers favor the creator's label when reasoning about an artifact's function

The creator of an artifact, by virtue of having made the object, has privileged knowledge about its intended function. Do children recognize that the label an artifact's creator uses can convey this privileged information? 3- and 4-year-olds were presented with an object that looked like a member of one familiar artifact category, but which the speaker referred to with the label of a different familiar category (e.g. a key-like object was called a "spoon"). Children who heard the speaker refer to the object as something she made were more likely to assign its function on the basis of the anomalous label she used than those who heard it referred to as something the speaker found. Thus, even very young children expect a unique connection between the label the creator of an artifact uses and the function she intends it to have.     

Ways of reacting to communication failure in relation to the development of the child's understanding about verbal communication

Tested the hypothesis that explicit identification of message ambiguity as a reason for failure in referential communication could help young children to gain understanding about the need for unique reference in communicative acts, in both experimental and natural settings. In the experiment each of 47 children aged 5-2 to 6-5 selected and then described clothes for a doll so that the experimenter could choose matching items. Ambiguous instructions from the children were consistently responded to with one of three reactions by the experimenter: (1) she guessed an item, (2) she asked ‘Which one?’ waited and chose or (3) she made explicit why she could not make a unique choice on the basis of the child's message. Both before and after this manipulation children were assessed for their understanding that messages can be ambiguous and can cause communication failure. Children accorded the third treatment improved most both in understanding and in reducing the ambiguity of their messages. A similar assessment of understanding was made of 36 6-year-old children of whom recordings of interaction in the home had been made over several previous years. Children whose mothers had made explicit their lack of understanding of their child's utterances were more advanced than those whose mothers had not.     

Is it okay to tell? Children's judgements about information disclosure

The present research investigates how young children evaluate and reason about the disclosure of private information. Using story vignettes, children aged 4–5 and 7–8 years were asked to evaluate an individual who passed on information from a peer revealing that he or she had broken a rule (e.g., stolen a cookie; rule type) or lacked a skill (e.g., could not ride a bicycle; competence type). These negative valence stories were compared with positive valence stories in which the peer had followed a rule or possessed a skill. Younger children approved the sharing of positive, but not negative, information, irrespective of type (rule vs. competence). Older children disapproved the disclosure of someone's incompetence, whereas they approved the disclosure of a rule violation. Children justified their evaluations by reference to social rules in the rule‐type vignettes and to an individual's feelings in the competence‐type vignettes. The findings suggest that young children are concerned about the disclosure of negative information about other people, but with age they become increasingly concerned about protecting the social order even at the cost of individual privacy.     

羞怯儿童对模糊情绪面孔的知觉偏差

采用类别知觉情绪识别范式,考察高、低羞怯儿童对快乐-愤怒和快乐-悲伤模糊情绪面孔的知觉偏差和知觉敏感性。结果发现：（1）相对于低羞怯儿童,高羞怯儿童倾向于将快乐-愤怒模糊情绪面孔知觉为愤怒,将快乐-悲伤模糊情绪面孔知觉为悲伤;（2）两组儿童在快乐-愤怒、快乐-悲伤模糊情绪面孔类别界线处的斜率差异均不显著。研究表明高羞怯儿童具有敌意归因偏向和更高的悲伤共情反应,而对快乐-愤怒和快乐-悲伤表情的类别转变不敏感。     

羞怯儿童对模糊情绪面孔的知觉偏差

采用类别知觉情绪识别范式,考察高、低羞怯儿童对快乐-愤怒和快乐-悲伤模糊情绪面孔的知觉偏差和知觉敏感性。结果发现：（1）相对于低羞怯儿童,高羞怯儿童倾向于将快乐-愤怒模糊情绪面孔知觉为愤怒,将快乐-悲伤模糊情绪面孔知觉为悲伤;（2）两组儿童在快乐-愤怒、快乐-悲伤模糊情绪面孔类别界线处的斜率差异均不显著。研究表明高羞怯儿童具有敌意归因偏向和更高的悲伤共情反应,而对快乐-愤怒和快乐-悲伤表情的类别转变不敏感。     

Mother and Child Perceptions of Child Functioning: Relationship to Maternal Distress

The relationship between maternal distress and mother's reports of psychosocial problems in their children has been well-documented. However, relatively little research has investigated the relationship between maternal and family distress and young children's perception of their own functioning. Using a brief questionnaire designed for use with children, data were collected from 166 mothers and their children aged 5-12 years. Children provided information about their own daily functioning, and mothers provided information about their own, their child's, and their family's psychosocial functioning. Findings indicated that while children generally agreed with the reports of their mothers, children of distressed mothers self-reported better daily functioning than their mothers did. Distressed mothers tended globally to report negatively about themselves, their child, and their family. The present findings suggest that when assessing mothers or children, the reports of children should be considered as well as the reports of mothers.     

The development of category-based induction: reexamining conclusions from the induction then recognition (ITR) paradigm

Three studies examined the development of category-based induction using an induction then recognition (ITR) procedure in which participants make category-based predictions about study items and are then given a surprise recognition test that requires discrimination between old and new category members. Exposure duration for study items was either self-paced (Experiment 1) or fixed for 5-year-olds and adults (Experiments 2a-b). Adults always showed a decrement in recognition performance following induction. Children showed the same decrement when exposure duration was equated across age groups. These results show that both young children and adults spontaneously access category-level information during induction. When study exposure time is self-paced, however, children may process additional, noncategorical aspects of study stimuli. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2008 APA, all rights reserved).     

Preschoolers use phrasal prosody online to constrain syntactic analysis

Two experiments were conducted to investigate whether young children are able to take into account phrasal prosody when computing the syntactic structure of a sentence. Pairs of French noun/verb homophones were selected to create locally ambiguous sentences ([la petite ferme ] [est très jolie] ‘the small farm is very nice’ vs. [la petite] [ ferme la fenêtre] ‘the little girl closes the window’ – brackets indicate prosodic boundaries). Although these sentences start with the same three words, ferme is a noun (farm) in the former but a verb (to close) in the latter case. The only difference between these sentence beginnings is the prosodic structure, that reflects the syntactic structure (with a prosodic boundary just before the critical word when it is a verb, and just after it when it is a noun). Crucially, all words following the homophone were masked, such that prosodic cues were the only disambiguating information. Children successfully exploited prosodic information to assign the appropriate syntactic category to the target word, in both an oral completion task (4.5‐year‐olds, Experiment 1) and in a preferential looking paradigm with an eye‐tracker (3.5‐year‐olds and 4.5‐year‐olds, Experiment 2). These results show that both groups of children exploit the position of a word within the prosodic structure when computing its syntactic category. In other words, even younger children of 3.5 years old exploit phrasal prosody online to constrain their syntactic analysis. This ability to exploit phrasal prosody to compute syntactic structure may help children parse sentences containing unknown words, and facilitate the acquisition of word meanings.     

Preschoolers use pedagogical cues to guide radical reorganization of category knowledge

In constructing a conceptual understanding of the world, children must actively evaluate what information is idiosyncratic or superficial, and what represents essential, defining information about kinds and categories. Preschoolers observed identical evidence about a novel object’s function (magnetism) produced in subtly different manners: accidentally, intentionally, or demonstrated communicatively and pedagogically. Only when evidence was explicitly demonstrated for their benefit did children reliably go beyond salient perceptual features (color or shape), to infer function to be a defining property on which to base judgments about category membership. Children did not show this pattern when reasoning about a novel perceptual property, suggesting that a pedagogical communicative context may be especially important for children’s learning about artifact functions. Observing functional evidence in a pedagogical context helps children construct fundamentally different conceptions of novel categories as defined not by superficial appearances but by deeper, functional properties.     

Reorientation in a rhombic environment: No evidence for an encapsulated geometric module

Reorientation behavior of young children has been described as dependent upon a geometric module that is incapable of interacting with landmark information. Whereas previous studies typically used rectangular spaces that provided geometric information about distance, we used a rhombic space that allowed us to explore the way children use geometric information about angles. Reorientation was studied in manipulatory space (Experiment 1) and locomotor space (Experiment 2) in the presence and absence of a salient landmark. In the absence of salient landmarks, 4- to 6-year-olds used geometric features to reorient in both spaces. When a salient landmark was available in manipulatory space, 4-year-olds used the landmark and ignored the geometry. Five- and 6-year-olds used the geometry, but in combination with the landmark. In locomotor space, this combined use was already seen at age 4, and increased with age. Taken together, these results offer no support for the notion that reorientation behavior in young children depends on an informationally encapsulated geometric module.     

Atypical categorization in children with high-functioning autism spectrum disorder

Children with autism spectrum disorder process many perceptual and social events differently from typically developing children, suggesting that they may also form and recognize categories differently. We used a dot pattern categorization task and prototype comparison modeling to compare categorical processing in children with high-functioning autism spectrum disorder and matched typical controls. We were interested in whether there were differences in how children with autism use average similarity information about a category to make decisions. During testing, the group with autism spectrum disorder endorsed prototypes less and was seemingly less sensitive to differences between to-be-categorized items and the prototype. The findings suggest that individuals with high-functioning autism spectrum disorder are less likely to use overall average similarity when forming categories or making categorical decisions. Such differences in category formation and use may negatively impact processing of socially relevant information, such as facial expressions. A supplemental appendix for this article may be downloaded from http://pbr.psychonomic-journals.org/content/supplemental.