Risk-taking increases under boredom

We examined if boredom is associated with risk-taking. Although this association has frequently been postulated, it has rarely been tested, and the evidence has thus far been rather indirect and speculative. We conducted three studies to test this association more systematically. In Study 1, people high in boredom proneness reported greater risk-taking across financial, ethical, recreational, and health or safety domains. In Study 2, over a series of risky decisions, risk-taking increased in tandem with state boredom. Consistently, in Study 3, people who felt more bored were more likely to choose risky gambles. Furthermore, while dispositional self-control predicted lower risk-taking, state boredom nullified this association, suggesting that elevated risk-taking might be attributed the erosion of self-control under boredom. Our findings establish via direct empirical tests that boredom is associated with making riskier decisions.     

The good of boredom

I argue that the state of boredom (i.e., the transitory and non-pathological experience of boredom) should be understood to be a regulatory psychological state that has the capacity to promote our well-being by contributing to personal growth and to the construction (or reconstruction) of a meaningful life.     

Going to political extremes in response to boredom

Boredom makes people attempt to re‐establish a sense of meaningfulness. Political ideologies, and in particular the adherence to left‐ versus right‐wing beliefs, can serve as a source of meaning. Accordingly, we tested the hypothesis that boredom is associated with a stronger adherence to left‐ versus right‐wing beliefs, resulting in more extreme political orientations. Study 1 demonstrates that experimentally induced boredom leads to more extreme political orientations. Study 2 indicates that people who become easily bored with their environment adhere to more extreme ends of a political spectrum compared with their less easily bored counterparts. Finally, Study 3 reveals that the relatively extreme political orientations among those who are easily bored can be attributed to their enhanced search for meaning. Overall, our research suggests that extreme political orientations are, in part, a function of boredom's existential qualities.     

On boredom: A close encounter with encapsulated parts of the psyche

The psychoanalytical literature has numerous scattered references to the analyst's experience of boredom, especially amongst writers working with primitive mental states. In the present paper, the author tries to gather some of these references in an attempt to integrate the various facets of this widespread phenomenon, and reflect on some clinical issues and dilemmas it raises. It is suggested that the experience of boredom in analysis may be a reaction to an encounter with a hidden, encapsulated part of the psyche, a bidimensional area of experience in which mental activity has been suspended, and experience remains meaningless. This is a barren area of lack, an encounter with the autistic core of the psyche. However, boredom may also be an experiential expression of despair, a re-living of primitive object relations with an emotionally non-existent primary object. Through bringing the emptiness and desolation into analysis, the individual makes room for the empty, blunt, dead inner object which resides within him, and that needs to be integrated into the psyche. This inner object is a vital part of the patient's inner world, part of his history, and can neither be erased nor filled in order to eradicate the emptiness. This is illustrated by clinical material from patients along the spectrum of autism, autistic reaction following trauma and autistic barriers in neurotic patients.     

A little help from my friends: Lack of social interaction predicts greater boredom during the COVID-19 pandemic

Were people bored during the pandemic, and if so why? One possibility is lack of social interaction due to restrictions on social activity intended to slow the spread of communicable disease. In a 3-week daily diary study (n = 438; international community sample) social interaction predicted boredom and its consequences. People felt more bored on days when they engaged in less social interaction than usual (in-person or virtually), largely driven by a lack of meaning. In turn, boredom predicted lower well-being concurrently, and more virtual interaction the next day; people dispositionally higher in trait boredom also reported more solitary (but not partnered) sexual activity. In conclusion, this study suggests that maintaining social connections, even during a pandemic, may be important to mitigate boredom and improve overall well-being.     

Self-Report Measures of Boredom: An Updated Review of the Literature

A detailed review of the psychometric measures of boredom was published approximately 12 years ago (Vodanovich, 2003). Since that time, numerous studies have been conducted on existing scales, and new measures of boredom have been developed. Given these assessment advancements, an updated review of self-report boredom scales is warranted. The primary focus of the current review is research published since 2003, and it includes a total of 16 boredom scales. The measures reviewed consist of two trait assessments (Boredom Proneness Scale, Boredom Susceptibility subscale of the Sensation Seeking Scale), five context-specific trait boredom scales (Boredom Coping Scale, Leisure Boredom Scale, Free Time Boredom Scale, Sexual Boredom Scale, Relational Boredom Scale), three assessments of state boredom (Multidimensional State Boredom Scale, State Boredom Measure, Boredom Experience Scale), and six context-specific state boredom measures–Lee's Job Boredom Scale, Dutch Boredom Scale, Boredom Coping Scale (Academic), the Boredom subscale of the Achievement Emotions Questionnaire, Academic Boredom Scale, Precursors to Boredom Scale. In addition to providing a review of these measures, a brief critique of each scale is included, as well as suggestions for needed research focus.     

Some reflections on boredom.

Boredom is a complex mental phenomenon, incorporating both affective and cognitive components, which cannot be understood within the confines of conflict theory alone. The paucity of fantasy in the bored person may reflect a developmental ego defect as well as, or instead of, the commonly-cited impulse-defense conflicts. The need for externally-supplied stimulation characteristic of persons with a field-dependent cognitive style, and/or characterological passivity may be among the significant predisposing factors for the development of boredom, and phase-specific factors may encourage its occurrence at particular periods of life. Boredom in the analyst, too, is multiply determined; the analytic situation itself contains features that contribute to it.     

Psychobiology of boredom

The study of the psychobiological bases of boredom has been limited by the vagueness of its clinical constructs and the difficulties in applying adequate experimental models. The theoretical background of previous research mainly has been based upon cognitive and behavioral psychology by using neuropsychological constructs, such as arousal, attention, motivation, sensation-seeking, and the reward system. Recently acquired data depict a complex and fragmentary picture. In this article, the author presents a review of the literature as well as some personal considerations on this intriguing topic.     

Psychometric Measures of Boredom: A Review of the Literature

This research presents a review of the psychometric measures on boredom that have been developed over the past 25 years. Specifically, the author examined the Boredom Proneness Scale (BPS; R. Farmer & N. D. Sundberg, 1986), the job boredom scales by E. A. Grubb (1975) and T. W. Lee (1986), a boredom coping measure (J. A. Hamilton, R. J. Haier, & M. S. Buchsbaum, 1984). 2 scales that assess leisure and free-time boredom (S. E. Iso-Ahola & E. Weissinger, 1990; M. G. Ragheb & S. P. Merydith, 2001), the Sexual Boredom Scale (SBS; J. D. Watt & J. E. Ewing, 1996), and the Boredom Susceptibility (BS) subscale of the Sensation Seeking Scale (M. Zuckerman, 1979a). Particular attention is devoted to discussing the literature regarding the psychometric properties of the BPS because it is the only full-scale measure on the construct of boredom.     

On boredom: Lack of challenge and meaning as distinct boredom experiences

Boredom is a common experience that affects people on multiple levels, including their thoughts, feelings, motivations, and actions. Not much research, however, has examined what makes the experience of boredom distinct from other affective experiences. Based on earlier research on boredom and our meaning-regulation framework, we conducted a series of four studies that demonstrate the distinct experiential content of boredom. More than other negative affective experiences (sadness, anger, and frustration), boredom makes people feel unchallenged while they think that the situation and their actions are meaningless (Study 1). The distinct experiential content of boredom is associated with boredom proneness (Study 2) and with state boredom experiences (Study 3). In addition, the distinct experiential content of boredom is affected by contextual features (Study 4). This series of studies provides a systematic understanding of what people feel, think, and want to do when bored, distinctive from other negative experiences.     

Causes of boredom: The person,the situation,or both?

Some theories emphasize the role of the situation, some emphasize the role of the person, and some emphasize the interaction between situation and person in causing boredom. The present study examines these models by determining whether boredom propensity (person) and/or experimental condition (situation) independently or in interaction affected state boredom. The study also examined the relative contribution of behavioural activation and inhibition to state boredom. Boredom propensity and condition significantly and independently predicted state boredom, as did the interaction between behavioural inhibition and condition. Implications are discussed, including the possibility of two distinct causes of boredom.     

Effect of boredom proneness on time perception

As part of a larger study examining attribution differences in boredom, the effect of Boredom Proneness on perception of time passage was investigated in 110 undergraduates completing a tedious number-circling task. Highly boredom-prone individuals perceived time as passing more slowly during the task than low boredom-prone persons, but the two groups did not differ in their objective or chronometric time-passage estimates. The findings support the contention that depressed affect produces a subjective slowing of time but does not alter the perception of objective passage of chronometric time.     

Unidirectional cycles of boredom,boredom coping strategies,and engagement among prospective teachers

This study examined the mediating roles of prospective teachers’ boredom coping strategies in the relationships between their levels of boredom and four aspects of engagement, and explored the unidirectional cycles of their levels of boredom, boredom coping strategies, and engagement. A total of 467 prospective teachers, majoring in primary school teaching, computer education and instructional technology teaching, mathematics teaching, English language teaching, special education teaching, and preschool teaching, voluntarily participated in the study. Structural equation modeling analyses were conducted to examine the reciprocal relationships between prospective teachers’ boredom, boredom coping strategies, and engagement. Results showed that the relationships between prospective teachers’ levels of boredom and cognitive engagement, emotional engagement, and behavioral engagement were significantly mediated by cognitive-approach strategies. Results also showed that the prospective teachers’ levels of boredom were reciprocally related to their emotional engagement through cognitive-approach strategies. Results suggest that the negative effects of boredom on cognitive engagement, emotional engagement, and behavioral engagement in the lessons can be significantly decreased by encouraging prospective teachers to adopt cognitive-approach strategies when they experience boredom. Results also suggest that prospective teachers may significantly decrease their levels of boredom not only by adopting cognitive-approach strategies, but also by increasing their emotional engagement during the lessons.