Lay theories of delinquency

This paper is concerned with the range, structure and determinants of lay people's implicit theories of delinquency. The different explicit psychological and sociological theories were reviewed as were studies on lay beliefs about crime and delinquency. After pilot interviews in which people were asked to list what they believed to be the major causes of delinquency, over 350 people completed a questionnaire in which they rated 30 explanations for their importance in explaining delinquency. The results showed numerous sex, age and voting differences. Conservatives tended to blame a person's poor education for his or her delinquency, while Labour voters tended to explain delinquency in terms of societal factors. A factor analysis revealed six clear explanation types for delinquency some of which were clearly related to explicit theories. Results were discussed in terms of the psychology of explanations and the relationship between explicit and implicit theories. Implications of this research were also noted.     

Causal attributions for unemployment in Barbados

The importance of various explanations for unemployment in their country was rated by 468 predominantly young people from the Caribbean island of Barbados. The twenty explanations provided, which were taken from other studies, showed a clear structure. The six factors that emerged from them were lack of effort on the part of the unemployed, lack of ability, failure of trade unions, effects of government policy, regional and world-wide changes, and poor industrial management. Endorsement of these explanations was related to sex, age, and education, but was not related very clearly to employment status.     

Unemployment and Life Satisfaction: The Moderating Role of Time Structure and Collectivism1

This study investigated the mitigating role of collectivism and time structure in reaction to unemployment. Participants (N= 229) with different occupational status (employed, students, unemployed) coming from either northern or southern Italy were compared with regard to general life satisfaction. Unemployed were found to show lower life satisfaction. self‐esteem, and happiness than were employed peers or students, but these effects were found to be influenced by both collectivism and time structure. Life satisfaction was lower among unemployed from northern Italy (where individualistic norms prevailed) than from southern Italy (which was found to be more collectivist). Also, among unemployed, life satisfaction tended to be higher among those who perceived their use of time as more structured and purposive. The results suggest that unemployment may have less severe consequences in a collectivistic culture and for people with good time‐structure abilities.     

Lay Explanations for Poverty in Turkey and Their Determinants

Abstract

The external and internal causal attributions for poverty in Turkey were examined in an exploratory survey. Factor analysis results confirmed Feagin's 3 conceptual categories (1975) of explanations for poverty, structural, fatalistic, and individualistic. Income, gender, age, and education were important determinants of explanations for poverty. All income groups favored structural (external) explanations. Poor persons preferred more tangible structural explanations, and nonpoor persons gave more abstract structural explanations. Poor persons also favored fatalistic (external) explanations more than higher income groups did. Women and older people offered individualistic and fatalistic explanations more than others. Men and people with higher levels of education preferred abstract structural explanations more than others.     

Life Satisfaction and Job‐Seeking Behavior of the Unemployed: The Effect of Individual Differences in Justice Sensitivity

This study examines the effect of justice sensitivity on the life satisfaction and job‐seeking behavior of unemployed individuals and considers the likelihood of experiencing long‐term unemployment. We focus on two facets of dispositional justice sensitivity that reflect individual differences in perception and reactions to perpetrating injustice against others (perpetrator sensitivity) or suffering from the injustice of others as an innocent victim (victim sensitivity). We hypothesised that the negative effect of unemployment on life satisfaction is stronger among individuals with higher levels of victim sensitivity and perpetrator sensitivity. The former are more likely to perceive themselves as victims of an unjust situation, such as fate or the employer's decisions, whereas the latter are more likely to perceive themselves as perpetrators against the rules of social justice. Using survey data from approximately 400 participants, we found that unemployed individuals were less satisfied with life than employed individuals and that this relationship was stronger for perpetrator‐sensitive individuals. Unemployed perpetrator‐sensitive individuals were more likely to engage in active job‐seeking behavior and faced a lower likelihood of long‐term unemployment. The results are discussed in terms of the importance of justice‐related personality aspects of unemployed individuals for their well‐being and labor market outcomes.     

The psychological health of employed and unemployed recent graduates as a function cognitive appraisal and of coping

In the literature on the effects of unemployment on graduates two competing hypothesis have found support. On one hand graduates have higher expectations about status and occupational identity, hence being unemployed should be more distressing. On the other hand graduates have access to more personal and situational resources and should cope better with the stress of unemployment. In a study of 181 recent graduates it was found that those who were employed (n = 88) scored higher on both somatization and interpersonal sensitivity than those who were unemployed (n = 93). A large percentage also reported not being in the job to which they aspired and scored low on job commitment. The unemployed graduates had a more positive approach to problem-solving, higher achievement motivation, more perceived social support, were more assertive, and felt less hopeless than their employed peers. They also engaged in more constructive leisure activities than the employed group. The data provide tentative support for the hypothesis that graduates are better at coping with unemployment. However the indication is that any advantage to be gained is relative to the type of job occupied by the employed group to whom they are compared. The general conclusion is that opting for a job which does not meet expectations or aspirations may be more psychologically damaging in the short term than being unemployed and hopeful. This is a function of the individual's vulnerability or resistance to stress and highlights the need for graduates to be prepared more effectively for the path to a career.     

Self-categorization,coping and psychological health among unemployed mid-career executives

The role of self-categorization as 'unemployed' in coping with unemployment was investigated in a sample of 148 males who had previously had a white collar career. Coping was considered in terms of psychological distress, locus of control, problem-solving style and perceived social support. Individuals who self-categorized as 'unemployed' exhibited greater psychological distress, as did those who had been previously unemployed, and those whose current unemployment extended more than one year. Self-categorization effects on social support, locus of control and problem-solving style were observed as a function of previous experience of unemployment.     

The Latent and Manifest Consequences of Work

Jahoda's (1979) distinction between manifest and latent consequences of work was tested on samples of employed and unemployed persons to determine if such a dichotomy can help explain the psychosocial effects of unemployment. Confirmatory factor analysis on data from 393 individuals from two large American cities failed to support the two consequences of work proposed by Jahoda. Instead, these data indicate that an intrinsic versus extrinsic model of work rewards can more accurately account for the patterns among ratings. The model of best fit was equally accurate for the employed and unemployed samples, suggesting that these groups have similar reactions to and reasons for working (or wanting to work). These results indicate that more than financial loss is suffered when jobs are lost involuntarily, and that we can fully understand the debilitating effects of unemployment only when we recognize the full scope of reasons why people work.     

Attributions for affluence

There have been very few psychological studies on explanations for wealth, though there have been a number of studies on explanations for poverty and attributions for success and failure. Previous research on explanations for poverty has indicated that people attributed poverty primarily to societal influences, personal responsibility and fate, and that various demographic factors are associated with different patterns in the explanation for poverty. It was hypothesized that attributions for wealth are of the same kind as those for poverty, but that the salient demographic variables are associated in significantly opposite ways. This study attempted to assess which demographic variables, notably Sex, Education and Voting Pattern, were related to explanations of wealth in Britain. Vote appeared to be a very important variable, with Conservatives rating positive Individualistic explanations, and Labour voters Societal explanations, as most important in explaining wealth. Factor analysis supported the a priori classification of the explanations for wealth. The results are discussed in terms of the psychology of explanations, political socialization and fiscal measures.     

A study of the psychological effects of redundancy and unemployment

This study is an investigation of the psychological and social consequences of redundancy and unemployment. A sample of redundant adults was monitored for the first six months following job loss. They were interviewed every four weeks and data concerning psychiatric symptoms, level and direction of hostility, self-concept, social attitudes, interpersonal relations and family relationships were collected on each occasion. A matched control group of employed workers was also recruited and monitored. Significant differences between the unemployed who remained without work for the duration of the study and employed subjects were found on the measures of symptomatology, hostility, guilt, self-satisfaction, acceptance by others and family role behaviour. In each case the redundant workers manifested the greater personal distress. Although there were no significant differences between the male and female unemployed, unemployment was experienced differently by each sex. Previous writers have suggested a stage theory of unemployment which is characterized by four principal stages: anticipation—optimism—pessimism—fatalism. The results of this study failed to confirm a stage model of unemployment.     

Unemployment impairs mental health: Meta-analyses

The effect of unemployment on mental health was examined with meta-analytic methods across 237 cross-sectional and 87 longitudinal studies. The average overall effect size was d = 0.51 with unemployed persons showing more distress than employed persons. A significant difference was found for several indicator variables of mental health (mixed symptoms of distress, depression, anxiety, psychosomatic symptoms, subjective well-being, and self esteem). The average number of persons with psychological problems among the unemployed was 34%, compared to 16% among employed individuals. Moderator analyses demonstrated that men and people with blue-collar-jobs were more distressed by unemployment than women and people with white-collar jobs. Linear and curvilinear moderating effects of the duration of unemployment were also identified. Furthermore, the negative effect of unemployment on mental health was stronger in countries with a weak level of economic development, unequal income distributions, or weak unemployment protection systems compared to other countries. Meta-analyses of longitudinal studies and natural experiments endorsed the assumption that unemployment is not only correlated to distress but also causes it. Seemingly inconsistent longitudinal results of older meta-analyses can be explained by retest artifacts. We also identified mental-health related selection effects during job loss and job search, but they are weak. With an effect size of d = −.35 intervention programs for unemployed people were found to be moderately effective in ameliorating unemployment-related distress among continuously unemployed persons.     

Understanding the Effects of Unemployment in Indian Graduates: Psychological,Financial and Social Perspectives

The present research attempts to examine the psychological impact of unemployment and understand the individual experiences of unemployed Indian graduates. It seeks to address three possible effects of unemployment, which are psychological, financial and social, along with a necessary scrutiny on how these individuals cope with their present unemployed situation. A qualitative analysis method has been employed to investigate the research objectives through employment of a semi-structured interview schedule among graduates in the age group of 21–23 years. The research findings suggest that unemployed graduates are psychologically impacted and sometimes experience feeling of worthlessness, social embarrassment and high level of stress. Some individuals also reported a lack of motivation and meaning in their life. Although, a majority of the participants agreed to have a decline in their psychological well-being, not all share the similar experiences of unhappiness and worthlessness owing to their unemployment. Therefore, this research also hopes to underline differences in the individual experiences due to unemployment.     

Frustration of Life Goals Mediates the Negative Effect of Unemployment on Subjective Well-Being

The present study investigated whether unemployment influences the importance and the realization of life goals and whether a reduced realization of life goals mediates the negative effect of unemployment on subjective well-being. A sample of 256 employed and unemployed German adults was studied with scales measuring six different life goal domains (power, achievement, variety, altruism, intimacy, affiliation). Only weak differences between unemployed and employed people were found for importance ratings of life goals. However, current realization of life goals, particularly of agency goals such as power, achievement and variety, was significantly lower among unemployed persons than among employed persons. Thus, unemployment did not change the goals people wanted to achieve in their lifetime, but it inhibited the success of these strivings. Furthermore, current realization of life goals was found to be a mediator of the detrimental effect of unemployment on life satisfaction and positive/negative affect.     

Adolescents' explanations for political issues: concordance with their views of self and society.

The relationships between adolescents' explanations for unemployment, poverty, and homelessness and their beliefs about opportunity, reports of family values, and personal aspirations were tested for 434 teenagers (mean age = 16 years 4 months). Explanations were coded for references to individual causes, societal causes, or both. Higher maternal education and average household income in the adolescent's school district were positively related to the likelihood of attributing all three problems to societal causes. When explaining unemployment, older adolescents noted both causes, and boys mentioned individual factors whereas girls mentioned societal factors. After adjustment for background factors, those endorsing individual causes were more likely to believe that all Americans enjoyed equal opportunity and that government support encouraged dependency, and they were more committed to materialist goals. In contrast, youth endorsing societal or situational causes had more altruistic life goals and reported that compassion was emphasized in their families.     

Differences in psychosocial experiences of employed, unemployed, and student samples of young adults

The author conducted this cross-sectional study to assess the extent to which employed, unemployed, and student samples of young adults could be differentiated on the basis of psychosocial experiences. Forty-four employed, 41 unemployed, and 42 student volunteers completed measures of emotional distress, time structure, financial strain, skill use, task variety, social support, and demographic information. After the effects of educational and income differences were statistically controlled, results indicated that unemployed participants reported poorer functioning than employed and student respondents on most measures. In a discriminant function analysis, 66% of the sample was correctly identified from scores on psychosocial measures, with higher classification rates for employed and unemployed participants. The findings provide additional support for contextual models of mental health and suggest that full-time education partially buffers the negative psychological consequences of unemployment when opportunities for employment are absent.     

Unemployment and aggression: the moderating role of self-awareness on the effect of unemployment on aggression

In February 2005, the unemployment rate in Germany surpassed the 10% mark. Derived from the revised version of the frustration-aggression hypothesis [Berkowitz, 1989], the present studies investigated the association between unemployment and aggression, as well as the moderating role of the self in this context. Because previous research on unemployment and aggression has been plagued by the cause-and-effect issue, the present research employed both an experimental and a correlational field approach. Three studies revealed that participants who expected to be unemployed after their degree (Studies 1 and 3), or who were currently unemployed (Study 2), reported stronger aggressive inclinations than participants who expected not to be unemployed or who were not unemployed at the time of data collection. However, this aggression-eliciting effect of expected or real unemployment only occurred for participants with low self-awareness. Participants who could actualize their self prior to reporting on aggression were not differently affected by different expectations or states of unemployment.     

Spare time use and psychological well-being in employed and unemployed young people

Results are presented from a longitudinal study of school leavers spanning the years 1980–1987. Those who were unemployed in 1987 reported spending relatively more of their spare time doing nothing in particular than those who were employed, although the groups did not differ in their reported use of spare time when they were at school. Also there were no differences in reported spare time use between those employed in satisfactory jobs and those employed in unsatisfactory jobs. As other studies have shown, in the unemployed spare time spent in purposeful activities with other people was positively correlated with psychological well-being. Similar associations were observed in the dissatisfied employed, although not in the satisfied employed. The results suggest that purposeful use of spare time may play a buffering role in coping with the stresses of both unemployment and unsatisfactory employment.     

Cognitive models of class structure and explanations of social outcomes

In this paper we argue that people's explanations of a wide range of social outcomes occur within a framework of expectations derived from beliefs about the pervasive influence of social class on individuals' life-chances. This claim is tested by examining the effect of varying the social class origins of vignette characters on judgments and explanations concerning their outcomes. Four domains of social activity are examined: occupational attainment, educational achievement, relationship success, and unemployment. In all of these areas, the class background of the characters was found to be associated with different outcome expectations, future expectations, judgments of responsibility and differences in the ways in which outcomes were explained. The results are consistent with the claim that people have cognitive models in which social class background is associated with particular social outcomes across a range of activities, and that these models are reasonably accurate representations of the relationships between social class and life-chances. This suggests that contrary to theories which have stressed the individualistic nature of belief systems in western societies, social class forms an important part of the popular representation of the influences on occupational, educational and relationship success.     

The effects of unemployment on the mood,self-esteem,locus of control,and depressive affect of school-leavers

The purpose of this study was to investigate some psychological effects of unemployment in school-leavers using a longitudinal research design. Questionnaires which included mood questions and scales measuring self-esteem, locus of control and depressive affect, were administered twice to 761 students, once while they were at school, and then again one year later. Comparisons between the unemployed and employed groups revealed that the unemployed were generally less well-adjusted than their employed counterparts. Specifically they reported greater negative mood and had higher depression scores, and the unemployed girls also displayed lower self-esteem. These differences, however, resulted largely from an improvement in outlook on the part of the employed, rather than from the unemployed becoming more depressed and losing self-esteem.