共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 31 毫秒
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梁武帝天监三年"舍道归佛"的诏书,实应受到很大的质疑:一、这么大的事,<梁书·武帝纪>(含<南史>)没有记载;二、梁室初建,在急需收拾人心之际,是不可能以此再添新的乱子;史书中所载的崇佛举措最早在天监十六年,也说明了这一点;三、天监初年,梁武特别崇信祥瑞以安定人心,自不会一下抛开道教;况且,诏书中以周、孔为邪,极尽侮辱、谩骂之辞,也不合梁武帝一贯尊崇儒教的性格.因此,其可信度就要打上很大的折扣,这或许是佛教徒在佛道论争中自张其教而编撰. 相似文献
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佛教文献记录的梁武帝天监三年发菩提心"舍道"一事,因时间、人物等衔接问题,引发诸多争议。本文从文献记载及流传情况着手,结合分析梁初佛、道二教之争,指出梁武帝天监三年发菩提心"舍道",是佛、道二教斗争的结果。 相似文献
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本文以《南史》对陶弘景的评价“山中宰相”为线索,通过对梁武帝舍道入佛,陶弘景为梁武帝炼丹及远游永嘉,礼阿育王塔自誓受戒,进《周氏冥通记》等一系列事件前因后果的讨论,全面分析陶弘景与梁武帝的关系。 相似文献
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<八关斋诗>约作于天监八年,这当是沈约为祈求消病而发愿、舍身下的产物.它并不能充分表明沈约信仰佛教的坚定性,它甚至有迎合梁武帝崇佛的因素. 相似文献
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范缜的心理学思想述评 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
范缜(约450—515年),我国南北朝时代重要的唯物主义哲学家、战斗的无神论者、心理学思想家。字子真,南乡舞阴(今河南泌阳县)人,约生于南朝宋文帝元嘉二卡七年,卒子梁武帝天监十四年。范缜少时孤贫,事母孝谨,18岁左右从名儒刘(王献)学习多年。他生活简朴,性情质直,先后仕齐、梁,任尚书殿中郎,尚书左丞等职。曾以光辉的神灭论思想两 相似文献
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"素食"是梁武帝制定而影响至今的佛教僧制和生活方式,本文通过对梁武帝思想中神明不灭与慈悲情怀、因果报应与修行解脱、仁孝心理与养生需求等几个方面的详细分析,可以知道梁武帝采用"素食"成功解决当时佛教问题,并使"素食"僧制传延久远的内在因素。 相似文献
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Arkowitz H 《The American psychologist》2005,60(7):731; author reply 734-731; author reply 735
Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners. 相似文献
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The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools. 相似文献
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形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度". 相似文献
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从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意 相似文献
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谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府… 相似文献
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Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed. 相似文献
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Andrew Norris 《Metaphilosophy》2004,35(3):249-272
Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination. 相似文献
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