对“官员迷信”现象的思考——保持先进性的一个不容忽视的问题

近些年来,随着社会上封建迷信沉渣泛起,“官员”们参与迷信活动的现象也屡屡发生。一些党员干部,甚至是中高级领导干部(包括政府官员和企业的管理者),不信马列信宗教、不信科学信鬼神。他们烧香叩头,以祈福禳灾;求签问卦,以预测仕途;做决策请“大师”当顾问,用人时以“八字”做参考;出门要选“黄道吉日”,办事须择“吉祥数字”;门外立菩萨,室内设佛堂;念金刚经,喝信息茶……凡此种种,不一而足。认真剖析治理这一社会现象,不但是整个社会反对伪科学和封建迷     

党员领导干部迷信现象研究

正一些党员领导干部不信马列信鬼神,"台上讲科学发展,台下搞风水迷信"。在一些揭露的"老虎"、"苍蝇"中有不少领导干部包括一些党的高级领导干部把风水、迷信作为自己的世界观、人生观和价值观,谋求个人权益,大搞官场风水,败坏党风、政风,带坏民风。一些党员干部带头搞封建迷信活动,并在社会上造成了恶劣影响,是近十几年来我国迷信现象的一个新的特点,引起社会的高度关注。一、党员领导干部迷信现象     

以党员的模范作用带动社会风气的转变

<正>中共中央组织部最近印发《关于在干部教育培训中加强理想信念和道德品行教育的通知》,批评某些党员干部"不信马列信鬼神,从封建迷信中寻找精神寄托,热衷于算命看相,烧香拜佛,遇事问计于神",以致在"封建迷信和宗教的影响下""失去自我"。因此,通知要求"切实增强理想信念和道德品行教育",认为这是"关系党的创造力、凝聚力和战斗力,关系党和国家事业的兴衰成败"的大事。     

雾失楼台月迷津渡--对官员迷信现象之剖析

近年来,多元化的文化潮流簇拥着各种社会现象层出不穷。正如太阳也有黑子一样,沉渣泛起的封建迷信活动对社会就很具有危害性。特别是在反腐败斗争中,出现的贪官“不问苍生问鬼神”的案例屡见报端,影响更为恶劣, 是必须加以限制、防治、清除的现象。一、官员迷信现象的现状 1．笃信占卜算命不同程度地体现在一些官员身上,     

"维齐非齐"——荀子对差等分配的辩护

在中国思想史上,荀子被认为是第一个不要求改善财富分配不均现象的思想家.具体到对君主及政府各级官员的分配,荀子则特别强调以"德能"的大小决定一个人位禄的高低和多寡.荀子基于政治和道德的理由,同时以满足可欲性和可行性为条件,为差等分配提出了消极的论证和积极的论证.依荀子,既然"欲多而物寡"构成了我们思考问题的既定前提,那么...     

戳穿"招魂术"的骗局

"招魂术",是偏僻的农村地区仍然存在的一种封建迷信活动.它以借口能使死者"现声"或"现形"的方式而骗取了因失去亲人又盼望相见的部分缺少科学知识的普通百姓的信任.     

"温州模式"中的礼仪经济

中国学者和研究中国问题的国际学者一直在讨论经济发展的"温州模式".大多数讨论着眼于温州人的创业精神、家庭工业、专业化商品市场、农村小城镇的发展和传统的私人银行信贷系统.但很少人注意温州经济奇迹的一个显要特点:即"仪式经济"的复兴与扩张包括神灵崇拜、修建庙宇、生命周期家庭仪式、传统农历节日、社区宗教游行活动、佛教道教仪式、基督教教会、祖先祭奠、由宗教激发的为社区项目和慈善事业筹款活动、占卜和风水.受过高等教育的精英阶层和政府官员一向认为所有这些仪式花费都是"封建迷信","毫无用处","浪费".但是,这些仪式花费在抗衡温州经济造成的个人财富积累,促进财富再分配和社区建设上起到了至关重要的作用.而且,温州的仪式经济体现了乔治·巴塔耶所谓的追求"自主存在"的自由和权利,也就是通过直接接近神圣的世界,来超越人世的羁绊.     

"郑和下西洋"现象的文化解读

人类历史是由一组组现象构成的,而任何一个影响深远的历史现象实质上都是一种文化现象.郑和下西洋作为一个对世界航海史产生重大影响的历史现象,包含着经济、政治、文化、外交、贸易、航海等丰富的内涵.郑和以一种积极进取的精神,不畏艰难险阻,创造了七次率领庞大的远洋船队下西洋的奇迹,体现了一个和平友好使者的形象.然而,在国外的郑和研究中,也存在着一些诸如郑和下西洋是"侵略论"之类的"误读".通过对"郑和下西洋"现象进行文化解读,可以看出郑和远航在走向世界开展和平外交的过程中,以"共享太平之福"为宗旨,弘扬"和为贵"的精神,为传播中华文明作出了杰出的贡献.     

"关系就医"现象的调查与分析

关系取向是分析和界定中国人行为的一个重要概念.就医行为具有关系取向的特质,即"关系就医"取向.分析患者的关系取向表现和医生对关系就医现象的接受度,并对医惠双方的社会属性和关系就医取向进行了相关分析.传统文化影响和医患双方的需求是关系就医现象存在的主要原因.     

"经济人"与制度安排

"经济人"利己性并非理论假定,而是一个简单的事实;"经济人"利益最大化不是追求物质、金钱的最大化,是包括名誉、地位、良心以及长远利益的最大化;"经济人"涵盖十分广泛,不局限于经济领域,还涉及政府官员在内的所有劳动者;"经济人"出现利他行为时也不能排除其出于利已的动机;"经济人"的利己属性是人的基本权利,无善恶之分.对"经济人"必须设计和构建严格的制度,使正当的个人利益得到激励和保护,损害他人利益的行为得到抑制和禁止.制度安排必须遵循权利与义务对等原则,平等性、自主性、互利性原则,强化对权力约束原则,实现个人利益、他人利益、社会利益趋于一致.     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.