《老子》"王亦大"考辨

<老子>第25章所云"王亦大"抑或"人亦大",历来争论甚大,本文从道家对理想世界的追求为出发点,通过考察<老子>及<庄子>对回归理想世界的不同途径选择,证明:<老子>希图借助"圣王"的力量促进这种回归,故<老子>十分重视"王"的作用,是为"王亦大";但<庄子>更重视"人"在回归理想世界的地位,是为后来改作"人已大"的思想资源.从"王亦大"到"人亦大",体现了道家思想的发展.     

易、道相关"舆"象索隐

物象、象喻在<易经>和道家文献中的大量运用,不仅表现为一种修辞手段,而更表现为一种思维方式.破解其中的象喻是探得这些经典文献的理蕴以及相互之间的内在联系所必须的.道家文献与 <易经>在相关于"舆"象的象征意义上有很多相互关联之处.本文在道家思想受<易经>影响的认识基础上,对<易经>中的<坤>、<姤>、<剥>、<大壮>、<乾>等卦与道家文献的相关车舆之象的象征意义进行相互阐发,并据以对<易经>与道家文献中涉及到车舆之象的文句进行诠释,以此探讨道家文献与<易经>在内在思想上的异同关联.     

纬书的宇宙图式与古代的宇宙论传统

宇宙论思想是中国古代哲学中的重要内容.纬书的宇宙论以<易传>的宇宙论为基本构架,融合了道家思想,形成了自己独特的宇宙论.纬书的宇宙论是中国古代宇宙论思想发展的结果.宇宙论是道家思想的重要内容,老子首先开创了中国的宇宙论传统,<庄子>、<淮南子>等书中继承和发挥了老子的思想.新出土的<太一生水>、<恒先>都属于道家系统.纬书的宇宙论正是在这些思想的基础上形成的.     

关于"道宗四经"

非圣黜典的老庄,其<老子>、<庄子>自汉唐被崇奉为<道德经>、<南华经>;<关尹子>、<列子>也在唐代被尊称为<文始经>、<至德经>,遂有道家四经之名在宋明时期流行和被汇刻,与儒家五经并行成为另一条血脉在流动.     

寻求儒家思想形而上的价值依据--《易传》儒道结合的政治思想

本文对<易传>之成书及学派归属问题得出自己的结论后,从人类社会演进图式与"三材之道"、<易传>与理想人格塑造、<易传>与主体价值的实现三个层面对<易传>儒道结合的政治思想特征做了深入剖析,指出<易传>思想是以儒家思想为基本价值观,在吸收和借鉴道家思想及阴阳家思想的基础上,把它们与儒家思想结合起来,为儒家思想注入了新的思想内容,在更高层次上建构了儒家的天道观和人道观,从而达到为儒家思想寻求形而上价值依据的目的.     

超越"忠恕"之道——《中庸》"道不远人"章义疏

<中庸>一书引"子曰"处甚多,"道不远人"章[1]即其例.此章论君子之道,内及"忠恕",与<论语>颇可映证.然细加推绎,又可见其说己非"忠恕"所能范围.深入研究此章,既有利我们看清<中庸>作者对孔子"忠恕"思想之发展,同时,对我们认识<中庸>所引"子曰"之特点亦不无裨益.     

道家、道教思想的历史转折--简评《隋唐道家与道教》

如所周知,隋唐五代是道家和道教史上一个极其辉煌的时期,出现了成玄英、王玄览、司马承祯、吴筠、张志和、杜光庭等道教学术精英,也产生了<玄珠录>、<道教内枢>、<坐忘论>、<玄真子外篇>、<无能子>、<化书>等一大批道教精典.而且以道家、道教思想嬗变为表征的中国思想史、文化史在唐宋时期的巨大转折是一个值得高度重视的思想史、文化史的研究课题.然而遗憾的是长期以来这一"重新塑造了中国的社会和文化"①的重要历史时期都没有引起思想史家、道教学家的足够重视,近年来道家、道教研究领域一批中青年学人开始了对这一时期道家、道教思想及其历史转变的研究.<隋唐道家与道教>一书应该说是其中较有代表性的成果之一.     

游与隐

正一般人都有一个误解,认为道家是出世的,是劝人离群索居,去做隐士。事实上,道家的理想人格是"游"不是"隐",这是需要着重强调的。事实上,道家对隐士是持批评态度的。庄子在《刻意》篇中,对隐士有一段很文学化的描述:"就薮泽,处闲旷,钓鱼闲处,无为而已矣。此江海之士,避世之人,闲暇者之所好也。"庄子不认同这种人,他认同的是"无江海而闲",这显然是一种"游"的人生态度。庄子在《外物》中说 :"唯至人乃能游于世而不僻,顺人而不失己。"庄子反对隐士,     

茅山洞府的道教文化特色

江苏茅山是道教上清派的发源地,是历史上茅山宗的活动中心,被誉为道教的"第八洞天,第一福地".据《茅山志》记载,茅山之中洞穴相连,有神仙洞府位于其中.茅山洞府蕴含着道教特有的文化意蕴. 神仙洞府,崇尚阴柔 贵阴尚柔是道家、道教文化的一大特色.从《道德经》"上善若水.水善利万物而不争,处众人之所恶,故几于道"①到《庄子》"静而与阴同德,动而与阳同波"②;从《管子·心术上》"阴则能制阳矣,静则能制动矣"到《淮南子·原道训》"夫无形者,物之大祖也",这些无不体现道家贵阴、尚柔、主静、崇无的思想.     

老子的治国思想

正"天地-道-修身-治国"这样一种自成体系的治国理念就在老子那里形成了。从这种意义上来讲,《道德经》讲述"道"、讲述自身修养的部分其实都是老子治国思想的有机组成部分,故而说《道德经》乃治国之书似乎亦不为过。《道德经》一书充分体现了老子在"道"的基础上构建的自成体系的治国思想。综观《道德经》,"圣人"一词在其中出现了30余次,如"天地不仁,以万物为刍狗;圣人不仁,以百姓为刍狗"1(《道德经》第五章)等。过常宝认为"道家的理想是成就自己天人合一的境界,是自我     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.