Temporal parameters as cues to phrasal boundaries: a comparison of processing by left- and right-hemisphere brain-damaged individuals

Two experiments were conducted to examine the ability of left- (LHD) and right-hemisphere-damaged (RHD) patients and normal controls to use temporal cues in rendering phrase grouping decisions. The phrase "pink and black and green" was manipulated to signal a boundary after "pink" or after "black" by altering pre-boundary word durations and pause durations at the boundary in a stepwise fashion. Stimuli were presented to listeners auditorily along with a card with three alternative groupings of colored squares from which to select the presented alternative. Results revealed that normal controls were able to use both temporal cues to identify the intended grouping. In contrast, LHD patients required longer than normal pause durations to consistently identify the intended grouping, suggesting a higher than normal threshold for perception of temporal prosodic cues. Surprisingly, the RHD patients exhibited great difficulty with the task, perhaps due to the limited acoustic cues available in the stimuli.     

Production of Stress Retraction by Left- and Right-Hemisphere-Damaged Patients

An acoustic-perceptual investigation of a phonological phenomenon in which stress is retracted in double-stressed words (e.g., thirTEEN vs THIRteen MEN) was undertaken to identify the locus of functional impairments in speech prosody. Subjects included left-hemisphere-damaged (LHD) and right-hemisphere-damaged (RHD) patients and nonneurological controls. They were instructed to read sentences containing double-stressed target words in the presence of a clause boundary or its absence. Whereas all three groups of subjects were capable of manipulating the acoustic parameters that signal a shift in stress, there were some differences between the performance of the patient groups and that of the normal controls. Further, stress production deficits were more severe in LHD aphasic patients than in RHD patients. LHD speakers exhibited deficits in the control of both temporal and F0 cues. Their F0 disturbance appears to be secondary to a primary deficit in temporal control at the phase or sentence level, as an increased number of continuation rises found for the LHD patients seemed to arise from lengthy pauses within sentences. Findings are highlighted to address the nature of breakdown in speech prosody and the competing views of prosodic lateralization.     

Sensitivity to prosodic structure in left- and right-hemisphere-damaged individuals

An experiment was conducted in order to determine whether left- (LHD) and right-hemisphere-damaged (RHD) patients exhibit sensitivity to prosodic information that is used in syntactic disambiguation. Following the work of, a cross-modal lexical decision task was performed by LHD and RHD subjects, as well as by adults without brain pathology (NC). Subjects listened to sentences with attachment ambiguities with either congruent or incongruent prosody, while performing a visual lexical decision task. Results showed that each of the unilaterally damaged populations differed from each other, as well as from the NCs in terms of sensitivity regarding prosodic cues. Specifically, the RHD group was insensitive to sentence prosody as a whole. This was in contrast to the LHD patients, who responded to the prosodic manipulation, but in the unexpected direction. Results are discussed in terms of current hypotheses regarding the hemispheric lateralization of prosodic cues.     

Fundamental frequency encoding of linguistic and emotional prosody by right hemisphere-damaged speakers.

To illuminate the nature of the right hemisphere's involvement in expressive prosodic functions, a story completion task was administered to matched groups of right hemisphere-damaged (RHD) and nonneurological control subjects. Utterances which simultaneously specified three prosodic distinctions (emphatic stress, sentence modality, emotional tone) were elicited from each subject group and then subjected to acoustic analysis to examine various fundamental frequency (F(0)) attributes of the stimuli. Results indicated that RHD speakers tended to produce F(0) patterns that resembled normal productions in overall shape, but with significantly less F(0) variation. The RHD patients were also less reliable than normal speakers at transmitting emphasis or emotional contrasts when judged from the listener's perspective. Examination of the results across a wide variety of stimulus types pointed to a deficit in successfully implementing continuous aspects of F(0) patterns following right hemisphere insult.     

The role of the right hemisphere in the production of linguistic stress

Recent research has proposed a general prosodic disturbance associated with right hemisphere damage (RHD), one encompassing both affective and linguistic functions. The present study attempted to explore whether the ability to produce linguistic prosody was impaired in this patient population. Productions of phonemic stress tokens (e.g., Re'dcoat vs. red coa't) as well as examples of contrastive stress, or sentential emphasis (e.g., Sam hated the movie), were elicited from eight male speakers with unilateral right hemisphere CVAs and seven male control subjects. Two types of analyses were conducted on these utterances. Acoustic analysis focused on the correlates associated with word stress, namely changes in amplitude, duration, and fundamental frequency. The perceptual saliency of emerging cues to stress was also examined by presentation of test tokens to phonetically trained listeners for identification of stress placement. The patients as a group produced fewer acoustic cues to stress compared to the normal subjects, but no statistical differences were found between groups for either stress at the phrase level or at the sentence level. In the perceptual analysis, stress produced by the patient group was judged to be less salient than that for the normal group, although a high degree of variability was evident in both populations. The data suggest a spared processing mechanism for linguistic prosody in RHD speakers, thus mitigating against the view of a general dysprosody tied to RHD.     

Contextual mood priming following left and right hemisphere damage

This research examined the influence of mood-congruent and mood-incongruent contexts on recognizing affective prosody after brain damage. Predictions stemmed from an associative network theory of learning and memory. Thirty-three male subjects, 11 each in right hemisphere damaged (RHD), left hemisphere damaged (LHD), and normal control groups judged moods from the prosody of semantically neutral phrases. In one task, the prosodic stimulus phrases were judged in isolation. In another task, the phrases were preceded by short paragraphs which were either congruent or incongruent in emotional tone with the prosodic stimuli. These paragraphs were designed to prime specific mood choices. As anticipated, LHD subjects' prosodic mood recognition was more accurate when given congruent rather than incongruent affective contexts. Congruent contexts facilitated, and incongruent contexts disrupted, their prosodic mood judgments to the same extent as normals. RHD subjects showed a partial context decrement. They were less accurate than normal or LHD subjects in the congruent condition, and were unaffected by incongruent contexts. When given congruent biasing paragraphs, however, RHD subjects did experience facilitation on a par with that found for the other groups, indicating spared sensitivity to certain contextual factors. The distinction between automatic and effortful processes is offered as a potential explanation for the RHD group's pattern of performance.     

Prosodic facilitation in the resolution of syntactic ambiguities in subjects with left and right hemisphere damage

The purpose of this study was to determine if prosody facilitates the comprehension of sentences containing temporary syntactic ambiguities in control, and left (LHD) and right hemisphere damaged (RHD) subjects. To test for effects of prosodic facilitation, sentences were created where prosodic boundaries coincided with (cooperating), were absent (baseline), or conflicted (conflicting) with syntactic boundaries in three response times (RTs) experiments. Despite differences in overall RTs and response accuracy for each group, all three groups responded faster and more accurately to sentences in the cooperating than in the baseline and conflicting conditions across experiments, indicating that prosody facilitates syntactic parsing in brain-damaged subjects just as it does with normal control subjects. Results are discussed in relation to psycholinguistic theories of syntactic parsing and neurolinguistic theories of hemispheric specialization in processing the acoustic properties of prosodic structures.     

The semantics of prosody: acoustic and perceptual evidence of prosodic correlates to word meaning

This investigation examined whether speakers produce reliable prosodic correlates to meaning across semantic domains and whether listeners use these cues to derive word meaning from novel words. Speakers were asked to produce phrases in infant-directed speech in which novel words were used to convey one of two meanings from a set of antonym pairs (e.g., big/small). Acoustic analyses revealed that some acoustic features were correlated with overall valence of the meaning. However, each word meaning also displayed a unique acoustic signature, and semantically related meanings elicited similar acoustic profiles. In two perceptual tests, listeners either attempted to identify the novel words with a matching meaning dimension (picture pair) or with mismatched meaning dimensions. Listeners inferred the meaning of the novel words significantly more often when prosody matched the word meaning choices than when prosody mismatched. These findings suggest that speech contains reliable prosodic markers to word meaning and that listeners use these prosodic cues to differentiate meanings. That prosody is semantic suggests a reconceptualization of traditional distinctions between linguistic and nonlinguistic properties of spoken language.     

Prosodic cues for morphological complexity: The case of Dutch plural nouns

It has recently been shown that listeners use systematic differences in vowel length and intonation to resolve ambiguities between onset-matched simple words (Davis, Marslen-Wilson, & Gaskell, 2002; Salverda, Dahan, & McQueen, 2003). The present study shows that listeners also use prosodic information in the speech signal to optimize morphological processing. The precise acoustic realization of the stem provides crucial information to the listener about the morphological context in which the stem appears and attenuates the competition between stored inflectional variants. We argue that listeners are able to make use of prosodic information, even though the speech signal is highly variable within and between speakers, by virtue of the relative invariance of the duration of the onset. This provides listeners with a baseline against which the durational cues in a vowel and a coda can be evaluated. Furthermore, our experiments provide evidence for item-specific prosodic effects.     

Tracking the what and why of speakers’ choices: Prosodic boundaries and the length of constituents

The rational speaker hypothesis (Clifton, Carlson, & Frazier, 2002) claims that speakers are selfconsistent, employing intonation in a manner consistent with their intended message. Preceding a constituent by a prosodic boundary that is not required by the grammar often signals that this constituent is not part of the immediately preceding phrase. However, speakers tend to place prosodic boundaries before and after long constituents. The question is whether prosodic boundaries will have a larger influence on listeners’ choice of an analysis when they flank short constituents than when they flank long ones. The results of two listening experiments indicate that they do, suggesting that listeners attend not just to properties of the input signal, but also to the reasons why speakers produce those properties.     

口语句子的韵律边界：窥探言语理解的秘窗

韵律边界加工与言语理解紧密相关, 最近十几年来逐渐成为心理学和语言学的研究焦点。韵律系统包含若干由小到大的韵律单位, 不同单位的韵律成分其边界强度不同, 表现在音高、延宕和停顿三个声学线索上的参数也不同。句子的听力理解过程中, 听话人运用声学线索感知权重策略对韵律边界的声学线索进行加工。从神经层面上来看, 对于韵律边界的加工, 大脑显示出独立且特异性的神经机制。韵律边界的加工能力在婴儿出生后随年龄的增长而发展, 到了老年阶段则逐渐退化, 而且似乎能够对二语迁移。未来, 需要扩大对韵律边界声学表现的考查范围, 进一步明确韵律边界的加工过程, 进一步厘清韵律边界加工和句法加工之间的关系, 进一步关注二语者韵律边界加工能力的发展。     

Recognition and discrimination of emotional faces and pictures

In order to learn whether patients with right-hemisphere disease (RHD) had a deficit in their ability to discriminate and comprehend emotional faces and pictures, we studied nine patients with RHD, nine patients with left-hemisphere disease (LHD), and nine controls. The subjects were presented with six picture tests that comprised either emotional faces or emotional scenes. Their task was either to denote (name or choose) an emotion or to discriminate (same, different) between two faces or emotions. Patients with RHD performed significantly worse than subjects with LHD when asked to discriminate between faces, to discriminate between emotional faces, and to name emotional scenes. There was also a trend for the RHD group to be more impaired than the LHD group when asked to name the emotional face or choose the emotional face. Except for the facial and emotional discrimination tests, the LHD patients also performed worse than controls.     

Differential effects of unilateral lesions on language production in children and adults.

We present the first direct comparison of language production in brain-injured children and adults, using age-corrected z scores for multiple lexical and grammatical measures. Spontaneous speech samples were elicited in a structured biographical interview from 38 children (5-8 years of age), 24 with congenital left-hemisphere damage (LHD) and 14 with congenital right-hemisphere damage (RHD), compared with 38 age- and gender-matched controls, 21 adults with unilateral injuries (14 LHD and 7 RHD), and 12 adult controls. Adults with LHD showed severe and contrasting profiles of impairment across all measures (including classic differences between fluent and nonfluent aphasia). Adults with RHD (and three nonaphasic adults with LHD) showed fluent but disinhibited and sometimes empty speech. None of these qualitative or quantitative deviations were observed in children with unilateral brain injury, who were in the normal range for their age on all measures. There were no significant differences between children with LHD and RHD on any measure. When LHD children were compared directly with LHD adults using age-corrected z scores, the children scored far better than their adult counterparts on structural measures. These results provide the first systematic confirmation of differential free-speech outcomes in children and adults and offer strong evidence for neural and behavioral plasticity following early brain damage.     

从讲话者和听话者两个角度看韵律的句法解歧

综述了近年来韵律句法解歧方面的一些研究。首先介绍了韵律特征及其作用;其次,简单介绍了句法歧义及其加工模型;然后从讲话者和听话者两个角度,分析了讲话者在自然的情境中是否自发稳定的生成韵律线索,以及听话者是否能够即时的使用韵律信息引导最初的句法分析两个问题,并简要地阐述了汉语韵律和句法的独特特点以及国内的相关研究;最后,初步探讨了进行汉语相应研究应该注意的问题     

Prosodic disambiguation of syntactic structure: for the speaker or for the addressee?

Evidence has been mixed on whether speakers spontaneously and reliably produce prosodic cues that resolve syntactic ambiguities. And when speakers do produce such cues, it is unclear whether they do so "for" their addressees (the audience design hypothesis) or "for" themselves, as a by-product of planning and articulating utterances. Three experiments addressed these issues. In Experiments 1 and 3, speakers followed pictorial guides to spontaneously instruct addressees to move objects. Critical instructions (e.g., "Put the dog in the basket on the star") were syntactically ambiguous, and the referential situation supported either one or both interpretations. Speakers reliably produced disambiguating cues to syntactic ambiguity whether the situation was ambiguous or not. However, Experiment 2 suggested that most speakers were not yet aware of whether the situation was ambiguous by the time they began to speak, and so adapting to addressees' particular needs may not have been feasible in Experiment 1. Experiment 3 examined individual speakers' awareness of situational ambiguity and the extent to which they signaled structure, with or without addressees present. Speakers tended to produce prosodic cues to syntactic boundaries regardless of their addressees' needs in particular situations. Such cues did prove helpful to addressees, who correctly interpreted speakers' instructions virtually all the time. In fact, even when speakers produced syntactically ambiguous utterances in situations that supported both interpretations, eye-tracking data showed that 40% of the time addressees did not even consider the non-intended objects. We discuss the standards needed for a convincing test of the audience design hypothesis.     

Gender and the integration of acoustic dimensions of prosody: implications for clinical studies.

This study was conducted to detect the existence of a relationship between spectral and temporal prosodic cues and to examine gender differences in any such relationship. The rationale for the investigation was to gain a greater understanding of normal prosody and the requirements for control groups in clinical studies of prosody. Ten male and 10 female speakers with no known speech or neurological deficits participated in the study. They performed a reading task which involved delivering 10 sentences first with a declarative and then repeated with an interrogative intonation (20 sentences per speaker). Intrasubject and intersubject analyses of the speech data revealed a dependence of pitch on duration that differed between male and female speakers. Significant differences between the genders were also found in speech rate, pitch range, and pitch slope. The findings suggest that an integrated treatment of acoustic cues may provide a more invariant feature of normal prosody against which clinical groups may be compared. The data also imply that in clinical studies of the production of prosody gender should be carefully controlled.     

Effects of Phonetic Similarity in the Identification of Mandarin Tones

Tonal languages differ in how they use phonetic correlates e.g. average pitch height and pitch direction, for tonal contrasts. Thus, native speakers of a tonal language may need to adjust their attention to familiar or unfamiliar phonetic cues when perceiving non-native tones. On the other hand, speakers of a non-tonal language may need to develop sensitivity to tonal correlates absent from their native system. The current study examines and compares five language groups’ perception of two synthesized Mandarin tones: the high level tone and the high falling tone. It aims to examine how listeners from tonal and non-tonal backgrounds identify and categorize acoustically equidistant pitches varying along two phonetic dimensions: pitch onset and slope. Results reveal “universal” perceptual patterns across groups and also tendencies caused by native tonal systems. Our findings confirm that L1 tonal and prosodic systems affect speakers’ sensitivity to novel perceptual cues and their abilities to discern relevant phonetic differences.     

Spontaneous humor among right hemisphere stroke survivors

We analyzed spontaneous conversational humor production and response among 11 right hemisphere-damaged (RHD) patients, 10 left hemisphere-damaged (LHD) patients, 7 normal controls (NC), and their spouses. RHD patients and their spouses reported a statistically significant decline in the patients' orientation to humor post-stroke. Also, we found a significant positive association between a RHD patient's ability to decode prosody and their self-reported orientation to humor post-stroke.     

Untrained speakers' use of prosody in syntactic disambiguation and listeners' interpretations

We investigated how naively produced prosody affects listeners' end interpretations of ambiguous utterances. Non-professional speakers who were unaware of any ambiguity produced ambiguous sentences couched in short, unambiguous passages. In a forced-choice task, listeners could not tell which context the isolated ambiguous sentences came from (Exp. 1). However, listeners were able to correctly paraphrase the least ambiguous subset of these utterances, showing that prosody can be used to resolve ambiguity (Exp. 2). Nonetheless, in everyday language use, both prosody and context are available to interpret speech. When the least ambiguous sentences were cross-spliced into contexts biasing towards their original interpretations or into contexts biasing towards their alternative interpretations, answers to content questions about the ambiguous sentence, confidence ratings, and ratings of naturalness all indicated that prosody is ignored when context is available (Exp. 3). Although listeners can use prosody to interpret ambiguous sentences, they generally do not, and this makes sense in light of the frequent lack of reliable prosodic cues in everyday speech. Received: 3 April 1998 / Accepted: 21 October 1998