Quality of Life in the European Union and the United States of America: Evidence from Comprehensive Indices

The main question of this article is about the quality of life in the European Union and the United States measured by different comprehensive indicators (HDI, WBI, WISP, OLS, PWI, ABS, HLE). On the world scale moderately different levels of quality of life characterize the European Area and the US. In objective terms, the US is more at the top level regarding economy and science, whereas Europe is more at the top level regarding social concerns in a broad sense. In subjective terms, which means to rely on the usual subjective measures, the average of US population seems to be slightly better off than the average of the EU population. That said, the differences inside the EU are often more significant than those between the EU and the US. Many EU countries in Northern and Western Europe show higher satisfaction levels than the US, and Eastern Europe is especially low in respect to the satisfaction of its population. It is rather obvious that the choice of criteria and values influences the results of the comparisons of nations and supranational unions to a considerable degree.     

Leave or remain? European identification,legitimacy of European integration,and political attitudes towards the EU

In this paper, we look at the relationship between European identification and political support for (or opposition to) EU membership. First, we argue that conceptualizing political attitudes towards the EU as a direct product of European identification (a) neglects the distinction between the social reality of Europe and the political reality of the EU and (b) leads to psychological reductionism. We propose that the relationship should instead be conceptualized as mediated by legitimacy perceptions and as moderated by social‐level variables. Second, we look at three spheres of European integration and propose that their perceived legitimacy is appraised through the following principles: (a) normative solidarity for wealth sharing, (b) political authority for sharing political decisions, and (c) collective self‐realization for the sharing of practices. We illustrate the key mediating role of those principles by drawing on data from a survey ran across five European countries. Third, we argue that these meditational relationships are in turn moderated by social, political, and ideological realities and illustrate this point by looking at the case of United Kingdom in the context of the EU membership referendum. We point to an ideological assumption in the U.K. political landscape about the illegitimacy of EU supranational decision making and argue that this contributed to shape both the debate of the referendum campaign and its result.     

Apathy or alienation? Political passivity among youths across eight European Union countries

Abstract

Political participation is one of the most studied aspects of the contemporary development of western democracies. A recent trend focuses the lack of political participation among younger generations. At the same time, the last decades have also witnessed a growth in the share of young European Union (EU) citizens who express alienation, and distrust toward social and political institutions at the national as well as the European level. By studying young people across different countries of the EU, the current study aims to examine if youths’ political passivity is better explained by political apathy or alienation. Our analyses are based on a comparative survey data collected by the Catch-EyoU project comprising approximately 4 454 late adolescents assembled from eight member countries of the EU. Results from logistic regressions predicting non-voting from apathy and alienation support the idea that political passivity is best understood as the result of political apathy. Moreover, it seems that the underlying separator of apathetic and alienated youths is cognitive awareness of political life. These results are discussed in relation to potentially built-in paradoxes of apathy present in efficient and well-functional welfare-state democracies.     

Neighborhood Poverty, Social Capital, and the Cognitive Development of African American Preschoolers

In this investigation, we examine the impact of the ecological context of the residential neighborhood on the cognitive development of children by considering social processes not only at the family-level but also at the neighborhood-level. In a socioeconomically diverse sample of 200 African American children living in 39 neighborhoods in Baltimore, we found that neighborhood poverty was associated with poorer problem-solving skills over and above the influence of family economic resources and level of positive parent involvement. Sampson has theorized that neighborhood poverty affects child well-being by altering levels of neighborhood social capital as well as family social capital. Although we found that indicators of neighborhood and family social capital were associated with cognitive skills, these factors did not explain the association between neighborhood poverty and problem-solving ability. Implications for future research in the area of neighborhoods and child development are discussed.     

Who among European youth are active citizens at the EU level and why?

Abstract

The current generation of European youth is coming of age in the European Union. Compared to the generation of their parents and grandparents, this generation has been afforded new opportunities of travel and employment that transcends the borders of nations. How is this new reality experienced by youth from different European nations and from different social classes? Do younger generations feel more of a connection to their European identity, to their national identity, or to both? Such questions are addressed in the papers of this special issue, which draw data from the EU Horizon 2020 Constructing Active Citizenship with European Youth (CATCH-EyoU) project. Together these studies suggest that to address these questions we need to decompose who the youth are and what the historical context of their experience is. For example, youth from higher socio-economic status families living in post-communist or low wealth nations differ in their loyalties and commitment to the EU, compared to their counterparts. The papers in this special issue reveal important insights as well as gaps in the scholarship concerning youth active citizenship at the European level.     

Bringing the European Union closer to its young citizens: Youth active citizenship in Europe and trust in EU institutions

Abstract

European Union countries are participatory and representative democracies. Therefore, active citizenship in the EU and trust in EU institutions are paramount for the continuation and the strengthening of the EU project. Young Europeans who hold the future in their hands need to be actively engaged not only in the social and political life within their national communities, but also in the wider European community. The papers in this special issue examine whether and how European youth identify with the EU, trust EU institutions and engage in EU issues, and which societal and proximal-level contexts and/or individual-level attributes promote or hinder young people’s active citizenship in European context. They are based on results from the Horizon 2020 CATCH-EyoU project, standing for Constructing AcTive CitizensHip with European Youth: Policies, Practices, Challenges and Solutions. Scientists represent different disciplines (Psychology, Political Science, Sociology, Media and Communications, Education) and from eight European countries (Sweden, Estonia, U.K., Germany, Czech Republic, Greece, Portugal, Italy). Together, the papers contribute to the development of a new, cutting-edge conceptualization of youth active citizenship in the EU, and to a better understanding of the factors promoting or inhibiting young EU citizens’ engagement, participation and active citizenship at the European level.     

We are one and I like it: The impact of ingroup entitativity on ingroup identification

It is argued that the entitativity of the ingroup moderates the level of identification with the ingroup. Specifically, that high levels of entitativity are conducive to strong identification, whereas low levels of entitativity reduce identification with the ingroup. These hypotheses were tested across four studies using the European Union (EU) as the reference group. The four studies manipulated four different factors that, according to Campbell (1958), impact on group entitativity: common fate (Study 1), similarity (Study 2), salience (Study 3), and boundedness (Study 4). Across the four studies, we found evidence for the impact of these factors on the level of identification with the EU among European citizens holding moderate attitudes toward the EU but not (or much less) for citizens holding more extreme attitudes towards the EU. Mediational analyses further confirmed the viability of an entitativity‐based interpretation of the impact of the manipulations on the level of identification. The findings are discussed in light of the current debate on the concept of entitativity, the motives for social identification, and the reduction of ingroup bias. Copyright © 2003 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

The Association Between Life Satisfaction and Self‐Reported Health Status in Europe

Previous research has shown that life satisfaction (LS) and self‐reported health status are strongly related to each other. However, it is not clear whether this association holds across different nations or whether certain country‐level indicators significantly affect this association. The study was based on nationally representative samples of 32 countries from the first six rounds of the European Social Survey (N = 291 686). Results from hierarchical multilevel modelling indicated that there was a positive association between LS and self‐reported health status across countries, but this association was slightly stronger in countries where governments spent less on the health care of their residents. Self‐reported health ratings were also more strongly tied to LS judgements in countries where variability in LS ratings was larger. These results suggest that, especially in less wealthy European countries, policies should target reducing overall social inequality and the negative impact of governments' underinvestment in health care on LS. Copyright © 2015 European Association of Personality Psychology     

Community Psychology in higher education in Europe: Results of a survey and discussion of the basic competency approach

This report from the Standing Committee on Community Psychology of the European Federation of Psychological Association provides an overview of higher education in Community Psychology (CP) in 14 European countries. Our findings show that 10 countries have some kind of CP teaching in their educational system. Twenty European universities offer a CP‐oriented Master degree, two universities at the Bachelor level and 16 universities also have CP‐oriented Ph.D. programmes. The profiles of the universities focus on two areas: Community psychology in a pure form and a combination of social psychology and community psychology. The other universities vary between clinical, organisational psychology, and a pedagogical focus. Within a certain European emphasis, these universities are analysing and changing the social conditions of community life and mental health. The responding universities failed to report adequately on comprehensive core competences and key elements in CP. To compensate for this deficit, the Standing Committee on Community Psychology proposes to develop a primer of basic CP competences for inclusion in programmes like EuroPsy.     

Religion at the European Parliament: the Italian case

Italy is a predominantly Catholic country that developed historically on the basis of a strong, dominant religion and weak state institutions. Yet, openly clerical parties, direct advocates of the interests of the Catholic Church, have nowadays virtually disappeared and the relevance of the religious cleavage is decreasing, in favour of a more indirect support for these interests, mainly among moderate and conservative forces. Although the overall level of secularisation in Italy has increased, the degree of religiosity of Italian society remains one of the highest of the 27 member-states of the European Union (EU) and polarisation over religious issues in domestic politics remains high, particularly regarding moral values and family matters. In our study we explore the role of religion within the Italian political sphere with regard to the functioning of political representation, by taking into account the sub-national, national and European levels of government. We focus on the attitudes and behaviours of Italian political elites at the EU level. We hypothesise a strong influence of religion on the articulation between national and European politics. Our findings consistently show that the degree of religiosity of the Italian delegation to the European Parliament (EP) is high. However, the impact of such a high degree of religiosity among the members of the EP (MEPs) on their political activities appears less direct than one might predict, while the degree of political secularism is higher among Italian MEPs than among their national or regional counterparts. When we discuss a case study, namely the accession of Turkey to the EU, our data show that the religious attitudes of Italian MEPs play a crucial role in their stance on Turkish accession. The picture that emerges is thus nuanced. Religion significantly impacts on Italian MEPs’ ideological, political and moral attitudes, but plays a smaller role in their activities; while their left-right collocation emerges as the most relevant predictor, despite a number of exceptions.     

Generalized and specific components of prejudice: The decomposition of intergroup context effects

Although different types of prejudice tend to be highly correlated, target‐specific and more generalized components can nevertheless be distinguished. Here, we analyze whether indicators of the intergroup context—threat, contact, and neighborhood composition—predict the target‐specific and/or generalized components of prejudice. Using data from the New Zealand Attitudes and Values Study (N = 4629), we build a multilevel model that captures the relationship between social dominance orientation, general levels of neighborhood heterogeneity, symbolic and realistic threat and cross‐group friendship (averaged across target groups), and generalized prejudice. Our model simultaneously estimates the relationship between target‐specific levels of these intergroup context indicators and target‐specific prejudice. Results indicated that social dominance orientation remained the strongest predictor of generalized prejudice when adjusting for other variables and that indicators of the intergroup context primarily explain differences between target group ratings. Aggregate levels of cross‐group friendship also had a small effect on generalized prejudice.     

The significance of social context: the case of adolescent childbearing in the African American community

The persistence of racial differences in US adolescent pregnancy and contraceptive use rates even after traditional indicators of social class (e.g., parental education, income, or occupation) are controlled suggests a need to focus on broader social contextual issues. Important dimensions of the social context neglected in traditional approaches to socioeconomic status include the level of racial discrimination in the community, the percentage of same-race high status workers, the differential incentives of Blacks and Whites to avoid adolescent childbearing, the quality of schools attended, and the ability of families to provide child supervision. In addition, studies comparing the long-term effects of adolescent childbearing have found less severe costs for Blacks than Whites. This finding suggests the salience of psychosocial factors such as individual resiliency and survival. Although amelioration of poverty must be a major emphasis of social policy aimed at preventing adolescent pregnancy, employment programs that prepare teens for low-paying or nonexistent jobs and other interventions that fail to address the broader social context of discrimination are insufficient.     

Fifth Province re-versings: the social construction of women lone parents' inequality and poverty

In this paper a systemic orientation is proposed which formulates theories and practices in relation to the social construction of women's inequality and poverty. A central hypothesis is that discursive interactions at the macro- and micro-social levels generate much female inequality and relationships of power. Therefore, the paper posits that women's inequality is partially constructed in and through social discourse at the public level (for example, politics and the media) and as such it is argued that these issues need to be entered into discussions within and around therapy. Finally, through a Fifth Province Approach some strategies for resisting power practices are presented. Reflexivity will be attempted in the feedback or re-versings of women clients living in poverty on the process of therapy.     

Evaluating associations between maternal social support and cognitive development for infants in poverty

Infant cognitive development may be associated with maternal social support, although these relations have not been well-examined for infants living in poverty. We explore whether maternal social support is associated with cognitive development for 113 infants living in poverty. Infant cognition was measured at age 9–12 months using the Bayley Scales of Infant and Toddler Development 3rd edition. Mothers provided information regarding perceived social support received from fathers, family, friends, and community members. Controls included maternal race and infant sex. Linear regression revealed no significant relationships between maternal social support and infant cognition in this sample.     

Cross-border mobility,European identity and participation among European adolescents and young adults

Abstract

Cross-border mobility is one of the most important factors that are assumed to strengthen young people’s commitment as European citizens. However, the existing empirical evidence does not provide consistent support. In this paper, we tested the hypothesis that cross-border mobility is associated with a stronger European identification, more positive attitudes toward the EU, and with specific visions of the EU, and that these factors, in turn, have a positive effect on engagement at EU level. Data were collected as part of the multinational research project CATCH-EyoU. Analyses were performed controlling for gender, income, country, and migrant status. Results mostly confirmed the hypotheses among both adolescents and young adults, and for both short-term and long-term mobility. EU level participation and EU voting intentions appeared to be influenced by partly different factors. The implications of the findings, both at theoretical level and for the development of international mobility programs, are discussed.     

Poverty and experiences of social devaluation: a qualitative interview study of 25 long-standing recipients of social security payments

The purpose of this study is to explore experiences of social devaluation among people living in poverty. Twenty-five long-standing recipients of social security payments living in a city in Norway were interviewed. Most felt that people in their environment held low opinions of them regarding issues related to personality and moral integrity. Several factors play a role in the formation of such beliefs or assumptions: (a) impressions of prevailing views of the social category "the poor" and observations concerning devaluation of that category; (b) knowledge others are assumed to possess of the respondents' financial predicament; (c) perception of own social situation; (d) undesired behavior that signals low social status and low esteem; (e) actions by others that signal devaluation. Social devaluation is also experienced at the affective level: the sense of shame and guilt is widespread.     

Socioeconomic Status,Emotional/Behavioral Difficulties,and Social Competence among Preschool Children in Japan

Socioeconomic status (SES) is an important contextual factor influencing children’s development. However, there have been limited attempts to examine either the impact of relative poverty on child development or the relationships between specific SES indicators and mental health domains. This study elucidates these relationships in Japanese preschool children who experience high levels of relative poverty. Participants were 3218 Japanese children aged 5–6 years. Their mothers completed self-report questionnaires on SES indicators and the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire to measure emotional/behavioral problems. Children’s teachers evaluated children’s social competence using the Social Skills Questionnaire for Preschoolers. Each SES indicator had an inverse relationship with all emotional/behavioral problem domains in the univariate analysis. In the multivariate analysis, lower family income consistently predicted higher scores on all emotional/behavioral problem domains, whereas lower maternal and paternal education levels independently predicted higher scores in specific domains. Each SES indicator had positive relationships with all social competence dimensions in the univariate analysis. Higher family income consistently predicted higher social competence in the multivariate analysis. However, paternal education level only predicted self-control, and maternal education did not predict social competence. Family income and parental education levels were significant independent predictors of emotional/behavioral problems and social competence. Thus, this study suggests that SES does affect child outcomes in a country where there is a high level of relative poverty and underscores the importance of assessing income and education status separately in order to identify their potentially unique associations with development among preschool children.     

Shaping EU Attitudes Through Identity Leadership: Investigating Pro-EU and EU-Skeptic Identity Narratives

The European Union (EU) faces many challenges. Chief among them are (1) the growing electoral appeal of EU-skeptic parties, (2) the prevalence of negative narratives about the EU, and (3) frequent marginalization of government leaders openly advocating EU membership. It is hence unsurprising that the EU attitude literature focuses heavily on ways in which leaders undermine (rather than bolster) confidence in the EU. The aim of this conceptual article is to fill this void and to shine a spotlight on how leaders seek to restore confidence in the EU. Rather than to merely describe what pro-EU leaders say in public, we propose a conceptual model that combines older EU attitude research (into “nested” social identities and perceived identity compatibility), with more recent social psychology research (into “identity mobilization” and “identity leadership”). By combining insights from both fields, our framework enables us to gain a deeper understanding of why certain pro-EU narratives can be expected to “take hold” and instill faith in the EU among the public at large. The discussion focuses on the implications for EU leadership.     

Social support as a moderator of the relationship between poverty and coping behavior

This study examined the relationship between poverty and coping and defense behaviors and the way social support moderates this relationship. One hundred fifty Indian adults responded to scales of income, perceived economic status, coping, defense and social support. In addition, physical quality of living was rated on the basis of observation and a short interview. Results showed that income and physical quality of living were positively associated with perceived economic status. Income, physical quality of living, and perceived economic status were negatively related to coping and defense behaviors. Finally, social support did not moderate the impact of poverty on coping and defense behaviors.