Situational social problem-solving skills and self-esteem of aggressive and nonaggressive boys

This study was designed to assess specific social problem-solving, perceived competence, and selfesteem characteristics of 20 aggressive and 18 nonaggressive boys. Significant behavioral differences existed between the groups. The problem-solving measure provided for qualitative assessment of specific problem solutions that children consider, varying according to the interpersonal context of conflicts with peers, teachers, and parents and to the level of others' intent in conflicts (ambiguous frustration and hostile provocation). In univariate analyses, aggressive children had poorer selfesteem, generated fewer verbal assertion solutions in peer conflicts and during hostile frustration, and employed more direct action solutions with teachers and during hostile frustration. Discriminant analyses significantly differentiated the two groups. Findings indicated that future research should consider the relative distribution of specific kinds of problem situations that children produce, and that situational factors in social problem-solving skills should be addressed.This paper is based on a presentation made at the American Psychological Association annual convention in Los Angeles, August 1985. Acknowledgment is made of the administrative support provided by the Durham County Schools and the Durham Community Guidance Clinic. This research was supported in part by grants from the National Institute of Mental Health and from the Research Branch of the North Carolina Division of Mental Health, Mental Retardation and Substance Abuse Services. Appreciation is expressed to the school counselors who assisted with the coordination of this research: Tom Gemmer, Patricia Kirkley, Kathy McSwain, and Geoff Wyckoff.     

Impact of interpersonal problem-solving training on preschoolers' social competency

In order to test Shure and Spivack's theoretical position that a child's ability to verbally generate solutions to interpersonal problems and think about their consequences is directly related to the child's behavioral adjustment, preschoolers were tested on verbal problem-solving skills and their classroom behavior was rated by their teachers. Further, their behavior was observed by independent observers. No significant relationship between problem-solving skills and behavior was found. Following assessment, 54 of these children completed an 11-week training program, designed by Shure and Spivack, to improve their ability to think through and verbally generate solutions to interpersonal problems and to examine the possibility of mediation of such training to behavioral improvement. Preschoolers' ability to verbally generate alternative solutions to problems significantly increased due to training, however, this increase did not have an ameliorative effect on behavioral adjustment.     

Effects of social problem-solving training on classroom behavior of urban disadvantaged students

Sixty-four urban disadvantaged fourth- and fifth-grade students were assigned to one of the following four treatment conditions: social problem-solving training, response cost, social problem-solving training plus response cost, and no treatment control. Those exposed to problem-solving training improved on measures of alternative thinking and consequential thinking skills. The training, however, did not affect teacher ratings of student behavior or observed classroom behavioral functioning. In addition, the response cost procedure did not enhance acquisition or utilization of problem-solving skills.     

Client characteristics associated with behavior change for treated and untreated aggressive boys

This study examined the relationship between subject characteristics of aggressive boys and their behavioral changes during a school year. Seventy-six boys in the fourth, fifth, and sixth grades were identified by their teachers as the most disruptive and aggressive in their classes. These boys were assigned to untreated control, anger-coping, anger-coping plus goal-setting treatment, and minimal treatment goal-setting cells. The anger-coping treatment was based on cognitive behavioral procedures. In both anger-coping cells, greater reductions in rates of disruptive/aggressive off-task classroom behavior was predicted by having higher rates of these behaviors initially, and greater reductions in parents' ratings of aggression was predicted by having poor social problem-solving skills initially. Additional predictors of reductions in parents' ratings of aggression in one, but not both, anger-coping cells included having higher rates of somatic symptoms and poorer social acceptance by peers. In contrast to the other cells, those boys in the no-treatment group who demonstrated the greatest spontaneous improvement on these change measures were the ones who initially were the best problem-solvers and who had higher levels of self-esteem. This cognitive-behavioral treatment appeared to have most impact with those boys who were the most in need of intervention.Portions of this paper were presented at the American Psychological Association annual convention, Anaheim, California, August 1983. Acknowledgment is made of the administrative and/or financial support provided by the Durham County School System, the Duke University Medical Center Department of Psychiatry, and the Durham Community Guidance Clinic. Appreciation is expressed to the other coleaders of the groups: Rosalyn Alexander, Steve Harris, Pat Kirkley, Val McLean, Kathy McSwain, Connie Scott, Barbara Thornton, Mary Ann Black, Harvey Botman, Dr. Bonnie Gregory, and Dr. Renee Schoenfeld.     

Children's and adolescents' aggressive behavior in context: The development and application of aggressive problem-solving strategies

Social-cognitive information-processing models have frequently been used as a reference in studying children's and adolescents' aggressive behavior. According to these models, aggressive behavior is considered to be one way for children and adolescents to cope with the social problems of everyday life. A high level of aggressive behavior is traced to deficiencies in processing social information (e.g., in encoding social cues, interpreting situations, adopting goals, producing strategies, and evaluating responses), leading to an increased likelihood of employing aggressive problem-solving strategies. Emotions and physiological factors are also suggested to contribute to the social-cognitive information-processing activities promoting aggression. The development of aggressively biased ways of processing social information is seen to be related to numerous biological and environmental factors.     

Generalization of aggressive behavior in adolescent delinquent boys

The generalization of conditioned aggressive and nonaggressive responses in a group of six adolescent delinquent boys was investigated. Responses were reinforced in card games where a token reinforcement system with money as a back-up rinforcer was used. Conditioning of responses was rapid. Generalization, measured in terms of frequency of physical contact, was tested in a group game for which no reinforcement was given. Generalization occurred during aggressive contingencies. During nonaggressive contingencies, responses did not return completely to the baseline level.     

The best friendships of aggressive boys: relationship quality, conflict management, and rule-breaking behavior

The current study examined the best friendships of aggressive and nonaggressive boys (N = 96 boys, 48 dyads, mean age = 10.6 years). Friends completed self-report measures of friendship quality, and their interactions were observed in situations that required conflict management and provided opportunities for rule-breaking behavior. Although there were no differences in boys' self-reports of friendship quality, observers rated nonaggressive boys and their friends as showing greater positive engagement, on-task behavior, and reciprocity in their interactions compared with aggressive boys and their friends. Aggressive boys and their friends provided more enticement for rule violations and engaged in more rule-breaking behavior than did nonaggressive boys and their friends. Also, the intensity of negative affect in observed conflicts between aggressive boys and their friends was greater than that between nonaggressive boys and their friends. The findings suggest that friendships may provide different developmental contexts for aggressive and nonaggressive boys.     

Impact of distressed and aggressive behavior

Two studies examined the hypothesis that distressed behavior induces negative emotions in others but also prompts solicitousness and deters aggression. In Study 1, 48 marital dyads rated various behaviors in terms of their feelings and reactions toward a spouse engaging in each behavior. Distressed behavior prompted both negative and solicitous emotions, but deterred hostile reactions. Aggressive behavior prompted negative feelings and hostile and argumentative reactions. In Study 2, 41 couples rated videotaped examples of a woman engaging in distressed, aggressive, or neutral behavior, with variations in verbal content and nonverbal affect. Examples of distressed behavior prompted more negative feelings and more solicitous feelings than neutral behavior. Aggressive examples prompted more negative feelings and hostile reactions. The studies indicate the importance of distinguishing between distressed and aggressive behavior.     

The effectiveness and generalization of a cognitive-behavioral group treatment to reduce impulsive/aggressive behavior for boys in a residential setting

Twenty of 150 boys living in a residential setting who were emitting high levels of impulsive/aggressive behavior participated in a study of the effectiveness of a cognitive-behavioral group treatment procedure designed to equip them with skills conducive to alternate and more socially appropriate behavior. Treatment involved 13 meetings of 55 minutes duration over a six-week period. The results indicated significant behavioral changes in school regarding: (1) the intensity of physical fighting, (2) the frequency and intensity of verbal fighting, (3) noncompliance, and (4) being in an inappropriate location. These behavioral changes did not generalize beyond the school setting. Significant increases in the number of identified logical consequences of aggressive behavior and in the number of alternative responses to aggressive behavior were observed compared to control boys. The behavioral changes observed in school largely extinguished during the five weeks between the last treatment session and the follow-up observations.     

Doctoral training in behavior analysis: Training generalized problem-solving skills

This essay provides guidelines for designing a doctoral program in behavior analysis. First, we propose a general accomplishment for all behavior analytic doctoral students: that they be able to solve problems concerning individual behavior within a range of environments. Second, in order to achieve this goal, we propose that students be trained in conceptual and experimental analysis of behavior, the application of behavioral principles and the administration of behavioral programs. This training should include class work, but it should emphasize the immersion of students in a variety of environments in which they are required to use behavior analytic strategies. Third, we provide an example of a hypothetical graduate program that involves the proposed training. Finally, an evaluation plan is suggested for determining whether a training program is in fact producing students who are generalized problem-solvers. At each step, we justify our point of view from a perspective that combines principles from behavior analysis and educational systems design.     

An experimental analysis of peer social initiations on the behavior of withdrawn preschool children: Some training and generalization effects

In this study, positive social initiations by an age-peer was evaluated as an intervention for isolate preschool children in training and generalization sessions. During baseline, the confederate made few social approaches to the target subjects. The confederate greatly increased his rate of positive social initations during the first intervention, decreased social approaches during a second baseline, and increased social approaches again in a second intervention phase. Increases in confederate initiations resulted in an immediate acceleration in the frequency of subjects' positive social behavior during training sessions. Additionally, for two of the three subjects, positive social behaviors were also observed to increase during generalization sessions. The results suggest that (a) peers may be trained successfully to set the occasion for positive social behaviors by withdrawn classmates, (b) increased social responding by withdrawn children in the presence of frequent peer social initiations may also generalize beyond the training setting, and (c) the magnitude of direct and generalization effects appears to be related to the entry-level repertoire of target children.     

Individual behavior, culture, and social change

The principle of operant selection is examined as a prototype of cultural selection, and the role of the social environment is suggested as the critical element in the emergence of cultural phenomena. Operant contingencies are compared to cultural selection contingencies, designated as metacontingencies. Both of these types of contingency relations result in evolving lineages of recurrences that can become increasingly complex in the number and organization of their elements. In addition to its role in the recurring interlocking behavioral contingencies that constitute cultural organization, operant behavior plays another role in cultures. Although the operants of individuals are functionally independent of one another, the behavior of each person may contribute to a cumulative effect that is relevant to the well-being of many people. Similarly, the outcomes of metacontingencies may also contribute to a cumulative effect. The relation between independently evolving operant lineages, or between independently evolving cultural lineages, and their cumulative effect is identified as a macrocontingency. Macrocontingencies do not involve cultural-level selection per se. Effective cultural engineering requires identifying the macrocontingencies that produce less than desirable effects and altering the relevant operant contingencies or metacontingencies to produce change in the cumulative effects.