Orthographic familiarity influences initial eye fixation positions in reading

An important issue in the understanding of eye movements in reading is what kind of nonfoveal information can influence where we move our eyes. In Experiment 1, first fixation landing positions were nearer the beginning of misspelled words. Experiment 2 showed that the informativeness of word beginnings does not influence where words are first fixated. In both experiments, refixations were more likely to be to the left of the initial fixation position if the words were misspelled. Also, there was no influence of spelling on prior fixation durations or refixation probabilities, that is, there was no evidence for parafoveal‐on‐foveal effects. The results show that the orthographic familiarity, but not informativeness, of word initial letter sequences influences where words are first fixated.     

Assessing the importance of letter pairs in reading-parafoveal processing is not the only view: reply to Inhoff, Radach, Eiter, and Skelly (2003)

D. Briihl and A. W. Inhoff (1995; see record 1995-20036-001) found that exterior letter pairs showed no privileged status in reading when letter pairs were presented as parafoveal primes. However, T. R. Jordan, S. M. Thomas, G. R. Patching, and K. C. Scott-Brown (2003; see record 2003-07955-013) used a paradigm that (a) allowed letter pairs to exert influence at any point in the reading process, (b) overcame problems with the stimulus manipulations used by Briihl and Inhoff (1995), and (c) revealed a privileged status for exterior letter pairs in reading. A. W. Inhoff, R. Radach, B. M. Eiter, and M. Skelly (2003; see record 2003-07955-014) made a number of claims about the Jordan, Thomas, et al. study, most of which focus on parafoveal processing. This article addresses these claims and points out that although studies that use parafoveal previews provide an important contribution, other techniques and paradigms are required to reveal the full role of letter pairs in reading.     

汉字笔画数对注视位置效应的影响

采用EyeLink 2000眼动仪,选取四种不同类型的双字词（首字和尾字均为多笔画汉字;首字为多笔画汉字,尾字为少笔画汉字;首字为少笔画汉字,尾字为多笔画汉字;首字和尾字均为少笔画汉字）,要求被试阅读包含有目标词的句子,以探讨汉字笔画数对注视位置效应的影响。结果发现,单次注视条件下,读者往往将首次注视定位于词的中心位置,多次注视时首次注视往往落在词的开头部分;但是当首字为多笔画汉字时,相较于首字为少笔画汉字,读者对目标词的首次注视更多地落在词的首字上。首字和尾字笔画数共同影响读者对目标词的再注视概率。研究结果支持“战略-战术”模型。     

Effects of parafoveal word length and orthographic features on initial fixation landing positions in reading

Previous research has demonstrated that readers use word length and word boundary information in targeting saccades into upcoming words while reading. Previous studies have also revealed that the initial landing positions for fixations on words are affected by parafoveal processing. In the present study, we examined the effects of word length and orthographic legality on targeting saccades into parafoveal words. Long (8?C9 letters) and short (4?C5 letters) target words, which were matched on lexical frequency and initial letter trigram, were paired and embedded into identical sentence frames. The gaze-contingent boundary paradigm (Rayner, 1975) was used to manipulate the parafoveal information available to the reader before direct fixation on the target word. The parafoveal preview was either identical to the target word or was a visually similar nonword. The nonword previews contained orthographically legal or orthographically illegal initial letters. The results showed that orthographic preprocessing of the word to the right of fixation affected eye movement targeting, regardless of word length. Additionally, the lexical status of an upcoming saccade target in the parafovea generally did not influence preprocessing.     

The independence of letter identity and letter doubling in reading

The ability to read requires processing the letter identities in the word and their order, but it is by no means obvious that our long-term memory representations of words spellings consist of only these dimensions of information. The current investigation focuses on whether we process information about another dimension—letter doubling (i.e., that there is a double letter in WEED)—independently of the identity of the letter being doubled. Two experiments that use the illusory word paradigm are reported to test this question. In both experiments, participants are more likely to misperceive a target word with only singleton letters (e.g., WED) as a word with a double (e.g., WEED) when the target is presented with a distractor that contains a different double letter (e.g., WOOD) than when the distractor does not contain a double letter (e.g., WORD). This pattern of results is not predicted by existing computational models of word reading but is consistent with the hypothesis that written language separately represents letter identity and letter doubling information, as previously shown in written language production. These results support a view that the orthographic representations that underlie our ability to read are internally complex and suggest that reading and writing rely on a common level of orthographic representation.     

Both-edges representation of letter position in reading

The representations that underlie our ability to read must encode not only the identities of the letters in a word, but also their relative positions. In recent years, many new proposals have been advanced concerning the representation of letter position in reading, but the available data do not distinguish among the competing proposals; multiple theories, each positing a different letter position representation scheme, are compatible with the evidence. In this article, we report two experiments that used the illusory word paradigm (e.g., Davis & Bowers, Journal of Experimental Psychology: Human Perception and Performance, 30: 923–941, 2004) to distinguish among alternative schemes for representing letter position in reading. The results support a scheme that uses both the beginning and the end of a word as anchoring points. This both-edges scheme has been implicated in letter position representation in spelling (Fischer-Baum, McCloskey, & Rapp, Cognition, 115: 466–490, 2010), as well as in position representation in verbal working memory (Henson, Memory & Cognition, 27: 915–927, 1999), suggesting that it may be a domain-general scheme for representing position in a sequence.     

Confusability and interference between members of parafoveal letter pairs

In each of three experiments, confusability between members of a parafoveally exposed pair of letters affected accuracy of identifying the peripheral, but not the central, letter. Confusability was determined from a confusion matrix developed for each subject. In Experiment 1, only one letter in each pair was identified on each exposure, and the position of pair members was varied over trials while the absolute position of the pair was held at a constant distance from fixation. In Experiment 2, both letters were identified on each exposure. In Experiment 3, the criterion letter was presented at a constant distance from fixation, and both letters were identified on each exposure. Since results in Experiment 3 were the same as in Experiments 1 and 2, the effect cannot be explained with reference to an interaction between confusability and acuity. The implications of the findings for various models of visual information processing are discussed.     

The role of external letter positions in visual word recognition

A key issue for any computational model of visual word recognition is the choice of an input coding schema, which is responsible for assigning letter positions. Such a schema must reflect the fact that, according to recent research, nonwords created by transposing letters (e.g., caniso for CASINO ), typically, appear to be more similar to the word than nonwords created by replacing letters (e.g., caviro ). In the present research, we initially carried out a computational analysis examining the degree to which the position of the transposition influences transposed-letter similarity effects. We next conducted a masked priming experiment with the lexical decision task to determine whether a transposed-letter priming advantage occurs when the first letter position is involved. Primes were created by either transposing the first and third letters (démula-MEDULA ) or replacing the first and third letters (bérula-MEDULA). Results showed that there was no transposed-letter priming advantage in this situation. We discuss the implications of these results for models of visual word recognition.     

Mindless reading: Eye-movement characteristics are similar in scanning letter strings and reading texts

The purpose of the present study was to compare the oculomotor behavior of readers scanning meaningful and meaningless materials. Four conditions were used—a normal-text-reading control condition, and three experimental conditions in which the amount of linguistic processing was reduced, either by presenting the subjects with repeated letter strings or by asking the subjects to search for a target letter in texts or letter strings. The results show that global eye-movement characteristics (such as saccade size and fixation duration), as well as local characteristics (such as word-skipping rate, landing site, refixation probability, and refixation position), are very similar in the four conditions. The finding that the eyes are capable of generating an autonomous oculomotor scanning strategy in the absence of any linguistic information to process argues in favor of the idea that such predetermined oculomotor strategies might be an important determinant of eye movements in reading.     

Solving the chicken-and-egg problem of letter detection and fixation duration in reading

When asked to detect target letters while reading a text, participants miss more letters in frequent function words than in less frequent content words. According to the truncation assumption that characterizes most models of this effect, misses occur when word-processing time is shorter than letter-processing time. Fixation durations for detections and omissions were compared with fixation durations from a baseline condition when participants were searching for a target letter embedded in different words. Although, as predicted by truncation, fixation durations were longer for detections than for omissions, fixation durations for detections were also longer than those for the same words in the baseline condition, demonstrating that longer fixation durations when targets are detected are more likely to be due to demands associated with producing a detection response than to truncation. Also, contrary to predictions from the truncation assumption, the standard deviation of fixation durations for detections was larger than that from the baseline condition.     

Linguistic and nonlinguistic influences on the eyes' landing positions during reading

Two eye tracking experiments show that, for near launch sites, the eyes land nearer to the beginning of words with orthographically irregular than with regular initial letter sequences. In addition, the characteristics of words, at least at the level of orthography, influence the direction and length of within-word saccades. Importantly, these effects hold both for lower case and for visually less distinctive upper case text. Furthermore, contrary to previous evidence (Tinker & Paterson, 1939), there is little effect of type case on reading times. Additional analyses of oculomotor behaviour suggest that there is an inverted optimal viewing position for single fixation durations on words. Both the supplementary analyses and the effects of orthography on fixation positions are relevant to current models of eye movements in reading.     

Linguistic and nonlinguistic influences on the eyes' landing positions during reading

Two eye tracking experiments show that, for near launch sites, the eyes land nearer to the beginning of words with orthographically irregular than with regular initial letter sequences. In addition, the characteristics of words, at least at the level of orthography, influence the direction and length of within-word saccades. Importantly, these effects hold both for lower case and for visually less distinctive upper case text. Furthermore, contrary to previous evidence (Tinker & Paterson, 1939), there is little effect of type case on reading times. Additional analyses of oculomotor behaviour suggest that there is an inverted optimal viewing position for single fixation durations on words. Both the supplementary analyses and the effects of orthography on fixation positions are relevant to current models of eye movements in reading.     

Investigating the boundaries of reading units: letter detection in misspelled words

In two experiments, subjects searching for the letter t in passages that contained some misspellings made many more errors on the word the than on other correctly spelled words. Accuracy increased dramatically when the word the and the other words containing t were misspelled, even when the misspelled word was the same shape as the original. These findings define a word-inferiority effect, which stands in contrast to the superior perception of letters in words over nonwords commonly found in tachistoscopic studies. In a third experiment, subjects searched for the letter n in passages typed normally or typed with all interword spaces replaced by the symbol +. Detection errors on the word and were greatly reduced when the interword spaces were replaced by +s, but errors on other words, including those ending in the suffix morpheme -ing, were not affected by this manipulation. These results suggest that frequent function words are processed in terms of reading units that are larger than the letter and include the interword spaces.     

Eye movement guidance in reading: the role of parafoveal letter and space information

The relation between parafoveal letter and space information in eye movement guidance during reading was investigated in 2 experiments. Contingent upon the reader's fixation, the type of parafoveal information available to the right of fixation was varied by (a) space information only, (b) space information with letter information added at some delay, or (c) letter and space information simultaneously. In addition, the onset of the relevant parafoveal information was delayed between 0 and 250 ms into the fixation. The time course of processing the 2 types of information (letters or spaces) differed, as did the nature of their impact on the eye movement record. Although both letter and space information influenced saccade length and initial landing positions within words, only letter information had an effect on fixation duration. In addition, fixation duration was affected only by information entering within the first 50 ms of the fixation, whereas saccade length was affected by information arriving at any time during the fixation. The results are consistent with a model of eye movement control in which 2 independent processes are operating in tandem to determine when and where to move the eyes during reading.     

Integrating information across eye fixations in reading: the role of letter and word units

Eye movements and eye fixations were recorded to study the integration of letter/word information across interword fixations in reading. Two hypotheses were examined. One hypothesis posits that readers obtain effective information from the beginning two or three letters of a parafoveal word. This information facilitates the recognition of the word when it is being fixated. The alternative posits that effective information is obtained from the complete parafoveal word. The results of the present study showed faster reading rates when parafoveal previews comprised complete words than when they comprised beginning letters alone. Furthermore, the usability of parafoveally available partial word information from beginning and ending letters was not affected by small variations in retinal eccentricity. Both findings were taken as evidence that readers gain useful information from all letters of the parafoveally available word and that whole word information, rather than specific letter information, is integrated across interword fixations in reading.     

A model of saccadic landing positions in reading under the influence of sensory noise

During reading, saccadic eye movements are produced to move the high acuity foveal region of the eye to words of interest for efficient word processing. Distributions of saccadic landing positions peak close to a word's centre but are relatively broad compared to simple oculomotor tasks. Moreover, landing-position distributions are modulated both by distance of the launch site and by saccade type (e.g., one-step saccade, word skipping, refixation). Here we present a mathematical model for the computation of a saccade intended for a given target word. Two fundamental assumptions are related to (1) the sensory computation of the word centre from inter-word spaces and (2) the integration of sensory information and a priori knowledge using Bayesian estimation. Our model was developed for data from a large corpus of eye movements from normal reading. We demonstrate that the model is able simultaneously to account for a systematic shift of saccadic mean landing position with increasing launch-site distance and for qualitative differences between one-step saccades (i.e., from a given word to the next word) and word-skipping saccades.