Object and action picture naming in English and Greek

When two orthographically similar words are displayed using rapid serial visual presentation (RSVP), the repeated letters in the second critical word (W2) are not detected, leading to a deficit in reporting this word known as repetition blindness (RB). In Turkish, letters containing diacritic markings (e.g., y, ö) are considered separate letters, yet are visually highly similar to their non-diacritic analogues (s,o). Two experiments used the phenomenon of RB to investigate whether diacritic letters are represented as more similar to their non-diacritic analogues than are two unrelated letters. In Experiment 1, substantially more RB was found for words differing in just a diacritic (i y im-isim) compared to orthographic neighbours (words differing in a visually non-similar letter, such as ilim-isim). In Experiment 2, the amount of RB for identical words (isim-isim) was comparable to words that differed by a single diacritic marking (i y im-isim). We conclude that diacritic letters are mentally represented as variants of their non-diacritic analogue. Letter / word recognition researchers may be interested in pursuing these findings using standard techniques such as backward masking and orthographic priming.     

Negative emotion words are less susceptible to repetition blindness

Repeated and orthographically similar words are vulnerable in RSVP, as observed using the repetition blindness (RB) paradigm. Prior researchers have claimed that RB is increased for emotion words, but the mechanism for this was unclear. We argued that RB should be reduced for words with properties that capture attention, such as emotion words. Employing orthographic repetition blindness, our data showed that words with negative emotional valence had a report advantage when they were the second of two similar words (e.g., less RB occurred with HORSE curse than with HORSE purse). This renders emotion RB similar to the use of emotion words in the attentional blink phenomenon. The findings demonstrate the neglected role of competition in conscious recognition of multiple words under conditions of brief display and masking.     

Orthographic repetition blindness

Repetition blindness (RB) is the failure to report the second occurrence of a repeated word, when words are sequentially and briefly displayed (Kanwisher, 1987). RBis also observed for non-identical words, such as home, dome . Explanations for non-identity RB assume that similarity at the level of the whole word causes the secondword to be suppressed ('similarity inhibition'). Three experiments demonstrate that RB is robust for diverse types of orthographic relatedness, including critical words that share only their first initial letter, their last two letters, first three letters, middle three letters, beginning and final letters, three alternating letters, and three non-aligned letters (as in chance hand ). The theoretical construct of similarity inhibition may be able to account for these data, although one mechanism previously proposed in the literature, neighbourhood inhibition, is probably not a useful way to explain the data on RB for words sharing only one or two letters. Weintroduce an alternative explanation for orthographic RB: Only the repeated letters are suppressed, and amount of RB depends on howeasily the perceiver can reconstruct the target word from the non-suppressed letters.     

Are individual or consecutive letters the unit affected by repetition blindness?

When 2 similar words (e.g., react reach) are briefly sequentially displayed, the 2nd word may be omitted from the report, a phenomenon known as repetition blindness (RB). Previous researchers have suggested that consecutive letters are the unit affected by RB. Six experiments provided new data on orthographic RB. Two letters at the beginning or end of words resulted in RB, as did alternating interior letters (tactile earthly) and 3 letters with different relative positions (arid bird). However, no RB was found with a single final letter (show view). Observed RB may reflect pattern completion because RB for pairs like throat theory was reduced when the nonrepeated letters (eory) were consistent with only a single word. The experiments point to a model of orthographic RB in which both individual letters and letter sequences of length 2 or more play a role.     

Now you see it, now you don't: repetition blindness for nonwords

Repetition blindness (RB) for nonwords has been found in some studies, but not in others. The authors propose that the discrepancy in results is fueled by participant strategy; specifically, when rapid serial visual presentation lists are short and participants are explicitly informed that some trials will contain repetitions, participants are able to use partial orthographic information to correctly guess repetitions on repetition trials while avoiding spurious repetition reports on control trials. The authors first replicated V. Coltheart and R. Langdon's (2003) finding of RB for words but repetition advantage for nonwords (Experiment 1). When all participants were encouraged to utilize partial information in a same/different matching task along with an identification task, a repetition advantage was observed for both words and nonwords (Experiment 2). When guessing of repetitions was made detectable by including non-identical but orthographically similar items in the experiments, the repetition advantage disappeared; instead, RB was found for both words and nonwords (Experiments 3 and 4). Finally, when experiments did not contain any identical items, participants almost never reported repetitions, and reliable RB was found for orthographically similar words and nonwords (Experiments 5 and 6).     

A sublexical locus for repetition blindness: evidence from illusory words.

Six experiments used an illusory words paradigm to demonstrate that repetition blindness (RB) in orthographically similar words affects only the words' shared letters. Rapid serial visual presentation streams of words and word fragments allowed the unique letters of the 2nd critical word to combine with a subsequent fragment to create a word, as in rock shock ell. The illusory word shell was reported 2-3 times as frequently in RB conditions as in control conditions. Further experiments ruled out letter migration, contour summation, and differences in processing load as explanations for the results. These findings are inconsistent with current proposals that orthographic RB represents similarity inhibition or lexical competition or that it reflects problems with word-level token individuation.     

Relations between emotion, illusory word perception, and orthographic repetition blindness: Tests of binding theory

This study reports effects of meaning and emotion (taboo vs. neutral words) on an illusory word (IW) phenomenon linked to orthographic repetition blindness (RB). Participants immediately recalled rapid serial visual presentation (RSVP) lists consisting of two critical words (C1 and C2) containing shared letters, followed by a word fragment: for example, lake (C1) brake (C2) ush (fragment). For neutral critical words, participants often recalled C1, but not C2 or the fragment, reporting instead a nonoccurring or illusory word: here, brush (a blend of C2 and the fragment). Forward RB (defined as reduced report of orthographically similar C2s) was more common for neutral than for taboo C2s, and taboo IWs were reported significantly more often than were neutral IWs. Moreover, when both C2 and the potential IW were taboo, a new phenomenon emerged: Participants reliably reported both the IW and the intact C2. These and other results supported a binding theory of the IW phenomenon and orthographic RB.     

Lateralized word recognition: assessing the role of hemispheric specialization, modes of lexical access, and perceptual asymmetry

The processing advantage for words in the right visual field (RVF) has often been assigned to parallel orthographic analysis by the left hemisphere and sequential by the right. The authors investigated this notion using the Reicher-Wheeler task to suppress influences of guesswork and an eye-tracker to ensure central fixation. RVF advantages obtained for all serial positions and identical U-shaped serial-position curves obtained for both visual fields (Experiments 1-4). These findings were not influenced by lexical constraint (Experiment 2) and were obtained with masked and nonmasked displays (Experiment 3). Moreover, words and nonwords produced similar serial-position effects in each field, but only RVF stimuli produced a word-nonword effect (Experiment 4). These findings support the notion that left-hemisphere function underlies the RVF advantage but not the notion that each hemisphere uses a different mode of orthographic analysis.     

Interaction of semantic and perceptual processes in repetition blindness

Two experiments examined the effect of activation of higher-level semantic representations on lower-level perceptual representations. A forced-choice discrimination paradigm was used, a method known to produce repetition blindness (RB) for words unconfounded by memory demands or response bias. In Experiment 1, equivalent reductions in RB (as measured by omission error rate and by d') occurred when successive word pairs were identical in: (1) form, pronunciation, and meaning (both uppercase versions of the same word); (2) pronunciation and meaning but not form (lowercase versus uppercase; lexical identity); and (3) pronunciation, but not form or meaning (homonyms; phonological identity), relative to when the words were unrelated on all dimensions. The RB effect was markedly attenuated, but not eliminated, when the words were semantically related. Similar results were obtained in Experiment 2 using a larger group of subjects. These findings show that higher-order semantic representations can have a top-down influence on judgements based on lower-order perceptual representations. The results are discussed within the framework of a cascade model of object processing in the human brain.     

Distribution effects of orthographic similarity and priming by masked repetition]

This research centres on the effect that the orthographic neighbourhood has in the visual recognition of words. Specifically, we studied to what extent orthographic neighbourhood distribution, that is, the number of letter positions allowing formation of at least one neighbour (Pugh, Rexer, Peter, & Katz, 1994), influences the masked repetition priming effect. In a previous study (Mathey, Robert, & Zagar, 2004), interaction between neighbourhood distribution and orthographic priming was obtained in the lexical decision task. The Interactive Activation Model (IA; McClelland & Rumelhart, 1981) simulated this interaction. With the orthographic priming effect modified for distribution of the neighbourhood of target words, it was necessary to study whether the repetition priming effect also varied as a function of this indicator. Studying this interaction presents a major theoretical issue in specifying the activating and inhibiting processes presented in the IA model. Simulations were produced to obtain precise model predictions regarding the neighbourhood distribution effect in a repetitive priming situation for our experimental material. Target words all had two neighbours that were most frequent. These neighbours were isolated, that is, distributed over two letter positions (e.g.: TAUX/faux-toux), or associated, i.e., concentrated on one single position (e.g., SEAU/beau-peau). Targets were preceded by an identical priming (repetitive priming; e.g.: seau-SEAU) or by controlled priming (e.g., &-SEAU). The simulation results obtained using the IA model show the facilitating effects of neighbourhood distribution and repetitive priming, but no interaction between these factors. The experimental results obtained in a lexical decision task confirm these predictions. Thus, the empirical data replicate the neighbourhood distribution's facilitating effect (Mathey & Zagar, 2000) as well as the facilitating effect of masked repetition (Forster & Davis, 1984). Finally, the most interesting result is that the facilitating effect of repetition is comparable for target words with associated neighbours and target words with isolated neighbours. An explanation of the combined effects of the orthographic neighbourhood and orthographic masked repetition priming, integrating data from literature as well as from the current study, is proposed within the framework of the IA model.     

Repetition blindness occurs in nonwords

Theorists have predicted that repetition blindness (RB) should be absent for nonwords because they do not activate preexisting mental types. The authors hypothesized that RB would be observed for nonwords because RB can occur at a sublexical level. Four experiments showed that RB is observed for word-nonword pairs (noon noof), orthographically similar nonwords (glome glame), and identical repetitions (plass plass). More RB was found for words than for nonwords. Prior researchers may have failed to find RB for nonwords because display conditions that allow 2 words to be reliably encoded are insufficient for nonwords, or because observers coped with low ability to encode nonwords by using guessing strategies that do not require creating a mental type or tokenizing it.     

The mapping from sound structure to the lexicon in aphasia: evidence from rhyme and repetition priming

Two studies were conducted to explore the hypothesis that Broca's and Wernicke's aphasics have deficits arising from the processes involved in activating the lexicon from phonological form. The first study explored whether phonologically similar lexical entries differing only in their initial consonants show "rhyme priming." Results revealed that Broca's aphasics failed to show facilitation when the target was identical to the prime (i.e. identity priming) and they showed significant inhibition when targets were preceded by rhyming words. Wernicke's aphasics showed a pattern of results similar to that of normal subjects, i.e., identity priming and rhyme priming as well as significantly slower reaction-times in the rhyming condition compared to the identity condition. The second study investigated form-based repetition priming in aphasic patients at a number of intervals including when no other stimuli intervened between repeated stimuli (0 lag) or when 4, 8, or 12 stimuli intervened. Results showed that, unlike old normal subjects who showed repetition priming for both words and nonwords, both Broca's and Wernicke's aphasics showed repetition priming for word targets only. Moreover, in contrast to old normal subjects who showed a greater magnitude of priming at 0 lag for word targets, neither Broca's aphasics or Wernicke's aphasics showed priming at 0 lag. Implications of these findings are considered with respect to the hypotheses that Broca's and Wernicke's aphasics have deficits in the nature of the activation patterns within the lexicon itself and in auditory (working) memory.     

Sublexical processing in visual recognition of Chinese characters: evidence from repetition blindness for subcharacter components

Repetition blindness (RB) refers to the failure to detect the second occurrence of a repeated item in rapid serial visual presentation (RSVP). In two experiments using RSVP, the ability to report two critical characters was found to be impaired when these two characters were identical (Experiment 1) or similar by sharing one repeated component (Experiment 2), as opposed to when they were different characters with no common components. RB for the whole character occurred when the exposure duration was more than 50 ms with one intervening character between the two critical characters (lag=1), whereas RB for subcharacter components was more evident at exposure durations shorter than 50 ms with no intervening character (lag=0). These results provide support for the model of sublexical processing in Chinese character recognition.     

Repetition blindness: levels of processing

Repetition blindness (RB) is the failure to detect or recall repetitions of words in rapid serial visual presentation. Experiment 1 showed that synonym pairs are not susceptible to RB. In Experiments 2 and 3, RB was still found when one occurrence of the word was part of a compound noun phrase. In Experiment 4, homonyms produced RB if they were spelled identically (even if pronounced differently) but not if spelled differently and pronounced the same. Similarly spelled but otherwise unrelated word pairs appeared to generate RB (Experiment 5), but Experiment 6 produced an alternative account. Experiments 7 and 8 demonstrated that repeated letters are susceptible to RB only when displayed individually, not as part of two otherwise different words. It is concluded that RB can occur at either an orthographic (possibly morphemic) level or a case-independent letter level, depending on which unit (words or single letters) is the focus of processing.     

Previewing the neighborhood: the role of orthographic neighbors as parafoveal previews in reading

In 2 experiments, a boundary technique was used with parafoveal previews that were identical to a target (e.g., sleet), a word orthographic neighbor (sweet), or an orthographically matched nonword (speet). In Experiment 1, low-frequency words in orthographic pairs were targets, and high-frequency words were previews. In Experiment 2, the roles were reversed. In Experiment 1, neighbor words provided as much preview benefit as identical words and greater benefit than nonwords, whereas in Experiment 2, neighbor words provided no greater preview benefit than nonwords. These results indicate that the frequency of a preview influences the extraction of letter information without setting up appreciable competition between previews and targets. This is consistent with a model of word recognition in which early stages largely depend on excitation of letter information, and competition between lexical candidates becomes important only in later stages.     

关于RB效应加工水平的研究

本研究采用正字法相似的汉字作为实验材料考察了RSVP任务中的RB效应的加工水平。研究发现：(1)RB效应不仅出现在重复字中,而且也出现在正字法相似字中,但其强度弱于重复字中的RB效应;(!)在正字法相似的汉字加工中．由于加工相似字的识别错误发生在语义加工之前的阶段．因此．RB效应的产生点可能出现在记忆加工之前的知觉阶段。     

Morphological analysis by child readers as revealed by the fragment completion task

Ten-year-old children performed a fragment completion task. Target fragments (e.g., T_ _N) were preceded by four types of study conditions. The identity condition consisted of the target (TURN). Themorphological condition included a related form (TURNED). The orthographic condition consisted of morphologically unrelated words (e.g., TURNIP). Finally, no similar word was presented in the study phase of the no-prime condition. Morphological relatives included orthographically transparent (TURNED-TURN) and orthographically opaque (RIDDEN-RIDE) forms. The results indicated that performance of child readers on the fragment completion task was sensitive to morphological relationships. Completion rates following opaque, as well as transparent, morphological relatives were significantly greater than those following orthographically similar forms. In sum, the fragment completion task provides a viable new tool for examining morphological processing in children and for differentiating morphological effects from effects of similar form.     

汉语颠倒词加工中重复知盲发生的水平

以汉语中的颠倒词为材料, 探讨汉语重复知盲的发生水平。采用RSVP方式呈现包含颠倒词对(C1和C2)的句子列表或词语列表, 让被试对列表中的词进行全部报告或报告是否存在重复词, 记录报告C2的正确率。三个实验采用3 (词语的重复性: 颠倒重复、完全重复、不重复) × 2 (颠倒词对的意义相似性: 意义不同、意义相似)两因素被试内设计, 结果在全部报告和报告是否存在重复词的实验中都出现重复性和意义相似性的交互效应, 但不同实验任务, 数据模式不同。该结果表明, 在RSVP任务中, 汉语颠倒词加工存在RB效应, 该效应产生的水平受制于不同的实验任务, 在部分报告任务中, 颠倒词的RB效应发生在知觉水平, 在全部报告任务中, 颠倒词的RB效应发生在语义水平。     

Differential cognitive processing of Kanji and Kana words: do orthographic and semantic codes function in parallel in word matching task.

Relative engagements of the orthographic and semantic codes in Kanji and Hiragana word recognition were investigated. In Exp. 1, subjects judged whether the pairs of Kanji words (prime and target) presented sequentially were physically identical to each other in the word condition. In the sentence condition, subjects decided whether the target word was valid for the prime sentence presented in advance. The results showed that the response times to the target swords orthographically similar (to the prime) were significantly slower than to semantically related target words in the word condition and that this was also the case in the sentence condition. In Exp. 2, subjects judged whether the target word written in Hiragana was physically identical to the prime word in the word condition. In the sentence condition, subjects decided if the target word was valid for the previously presented prime sentence. Analysis indicated that response times to orthographically similar words were slower than to semantically related words in the word condition but not in the sentence condition wherein the response times to the semantically and orthographically similar words were largely the same. Based on these results, differential contributions of orthographic and semantic codes in cognitive processing of Japanese Kanji and Hiragana words was discussed.     

Children like dense neighborhoods: Orthographic neighborhood density effects in novel readers

Previous evidence with English beginning readers suggests that some orthographic effects, such as the orthographic neighborhood density effects, could be stronger for children than for adults. Particularly, children respond more accurately to words with many orthographic neighbors than to words with few neighbors. The magnitude of the effects for children is much higher than for adults, and some researchers have proposed that these effects could be progressively modulated according to reading expertise. The present paper explores in depth how children from 1st to 6th grade perform a lexical decision with words that are from dense or sparse orthographic neighborhoods, attending not only to accuracy measures, but also to response latencies, through a computer-controlled task. Our results reveal that children (like adults) show clear neighborhood density effects, and that these effects do not seem to depend on reading expertise. Contrarily to previous claims, the present work shows that orthographic neighborhood effects are not progressively modulated by reading skill. Further, these data strongly support the idea of a general language-independent preference for using the lexical route instead of grapheme-to-phoneme conversions, even in beginning readers. The implications of these results for developmental models in reading and for models in visual word recognition and orthographic encoding are discussed.