《红楼梦》诗词的佛禅意趣

传世名著《红楼梦》的作者曹雪芹深受佛禅的影响,在作品里随处可见佛教情怀。如《好了歌》及《好了歌解》(第一回),都一一揭示了功名、金银、娇妻、儿孙等都不过是过眼烟云的虚幻之物,转瞬即逝,到头来落个“大地茫茫真干净”的可悲结局。这是曹雪芹对人生痛苦、社会变幻无常,深     

“为他人作嫁衣裳”的丫鬟——晴雯、麝月形象谫论

《红楼梦》第五十二回里晴雯、麝月这两个丫鬓的风情,令人赞叹,但在《红楼梦》创造的世界里,她们的存在,不过是"为他人作嫁衣裳".两个丫鬟的命运轨迹,教人叹息不已.她们的花开花落,是曹雪芹深沉的人生悲剧意识的一种表现.     

迷悟之间：《红楼梦》与解脱之道

著名学者王国维在其《红楼梦评论》认为：曹雪芹在《红楼梦》中示人以解脱之道。如何从人生之苦痛中解脱，即是一部《红楼梦》的主旨所在，其意趣与禅宗可谓不谋而合。以此意义看，《红楼梦》正是一部难得的“禅话”，而解开这部“禅话”的密钥就在于领悟佛家所说的“不二法门”。     

《红楼梦》中的人际关系类型

《红楼梦》是中华民族的一部古往今来绝无仅有的“文化小说”,从所有明清两代重要小说来看,没有哪一部能象《红楼梦》一样具有如此广博而深厚的文化内涵。在《红楼梦》中,曹雪芹以他的彩笔,使我们看到了中国古人如何生活,如何     

为什么必须批评和揭露伪科学

一、伪科学是科学的敌人《红楼梦》里有一副对联:“假作真时真亦假;无为有处有还无。”一个最基本的理由是:如果“以假作真,以无为有”,那么真和有也就不存在了!     

《红楼梦》中的道教人物、道教活动与道家思想

《红楼梦》中的道教人物、道教活动与道家思想朱亮嘉清代，释、道、儒之家思想在知识分子中有相当的影响。作为伟大的现实主义作家的曹雪芹，在他的不朽名著《红楼梦》中，通过一僧一道这两个人物，把佛老思想带进了《红楼梦》全书的字里行间。从小说中描写的情节来看，信...     

《红楼梦》与道家和道教

《红楼梦》的研究,若从曹雪芹同时代的脂砚斋评注算起,已足足有二百多年的历史,逐渐形成一种称之为红学的专门学问。有“旧红学”,有“新红学”,有建国以后的红学,有“文革”中的红学,有最近期的红学。其研究论著之多,品评观点之杂,考证辨析之细,堪为诸小说之冠,似乎把应该说的话都说尽了。我这个红学外行,本不宜置喙其中,以免方家见笑。然而作为一名中国思想史研究者,在阅读《红楼梦》的时候,常常有一些疑团从胸     

困惑青少年的性梦

曹雪芹在《红楼梦》这部巨著中,通过不同的故事情节,以神来之笔描述了多达33个梦幻,将各色人物的“梦”写得出神入化,使我们看到了不同人物的内心世界及其命运。其中有关“性梦”的描写是颇耐人寻味的,更是发人深省的。贾宝玉,这个“红楼”人物中的男主角,整天和姐妹们嬉戏打闹,厮混在一起。对处于青春期的他来说,难免不为情所动,于是便演化出“神游太虚幻境”     

清风徐来

佛教小说,在中国佛教文学的长河中是一股巨流。只拿挂在人们口头上的《金瓶梅》、《三言二拍》、《西游记》和《红楼梦》来说,就可称得上是佛教小说的代表作。尽管这些作品并非仅仅在弘扬佛法,但佛教思想毕竟是其思想框架中不可或缺的一根支柱。以小说来劝喻世人的教化目的,更是有目共睹。在安定社会、激浊扬清、去恶从善方面,这些小说不能说没有积极意义。它们的社会作用,很值得我们再评价。对于这一点,伟大的文学家曹雪芹唯恐人们不能领会。因此他一再强调读者不要陷入小说的角色之中。“都云作者痴,谁解其中味?”他希望人们能透过小说的纷纭变幻,真正理解其中的意味。贯串《红楼梦》的一个重要角色,被曹雪芹定名为“贾雨村”,于是一部《红楼梦》也就成了“贾雨(假语)村言”,似乎不过是假托为庄户人所编的一些故事而已。其实,强调故事为假,正在于强调意味是真。我们开辟“假语村言”,作为专栏,用意相仿,也是要借众生之相,讲说古往今来几段引人入胜的故事。千载悠悠,虽都已成云烟;万众熙熙,难免不是过客;但从“曾经发生”和“即将出现”来讲,却又是真实的。因此,尽管是假语村言,却不可存欺世之心,还需呕心沥血地去写出那一份“艺术的真实”,写出“意料之外,情理之中”的人间悲欢。只是还要奉劝读者诸君,多几分禅悦,不必执着于某人某事,且从姑妄言之、姑妄听之的“假语村言”中去领悟些什么才好。     

太虚幻境与佛教密宗

《红楼梦》与佛教难解难分,人所共知。贾宝玉披着猩红斗蓬站在白茫茫的雪地上,身边虽是站着一僧一道,似乎佛道各占一半,但他毕竟剃光了头,还是做了和尚的。这是曹雪芹心境的一种外化。在他的意识中,佛与道的比例大约就是这样有所侧重。所以。研究佛学的人看《红楼梦》,几乎处处是禅、节节谈佛,并非没有道理。唯有一点让人不解的是那个统领全篇的“太虚幻境”,如果说它与佛教     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.