Memory scanning of described images and undescribed images: Hemispheric differences

Seamon (1972) has found that reaction times (RTs) to memory probes do not increase with memory set size (M) for words encoded in mental images in a memory scanning task. Rothstein and Atkinson (1975) have failed to replicate Seamon’s results. Experiment 1 investigated this discrepancy by manipulating one methodological difference (whether images were or were not described) between the two investigations. Results revealed that described images produced typical linear increases in RT with M. Undescribed images, however, revealed no change in RT with M for positive probes (i.e., the word presented was contained in the current memory set). Experiment 2 manipulated to which visual field probes were presented (RVF — right visual field; LVF = left visual field). Results showed that the imagery group showed no relation between RT and M for probes presented to the LVF, but a linear relation for probes presentedto the RVF. Described-image and repetition groups revealed a linear relation between RT and M no matter which visual field received the probe.     

Memory for words location in writing

In two experiments, we investigated memory for words location after writing a text. Experiment 1 demonstrated the existence of a memory for words location in writing by showing that participants who first composed a text and were then asked to locate words extracted from their text performed above a chance level established using a computer simulation, and better than participants who did not compose a text but were told the subject of the text. Experiment 2 showed that memory for words location in writing is mainly supported by a visuospatial representation of the text, as indicated by the lower recall of words location by participants who performed a visuospatial concurrent task at the time of the composition, compared with participants who performed a verbal concurrent task. The findings highlight the role of a spatial representation of the physical layout of the text and the role of such a memory in the writing process.

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Enrichment of words by visual images: books, slides, and videos

This article reviews additions to 3 ways of visually enriching verbal accounts of the history of psychology: illustrated books, slides, and videos. Although each approach has its limitations and its merits, taken together they constitute a significant addition to the printed word. As such, they broaden the toolkits of both the learners and the teachers of the history of psychology. Reference is also made to 3 earlier publications.     

Memory for concrete and abstract words in bilingual speakers

The dual-code hypothesis of Paivio was taken to imply that bilingual speakers should show poorer memory for the language in which concrete words appeared than the language in which abstract words appeared. The results of two experiments with German-English bilinguals, one using a recognition memory procedure and the other using the free recall task, found the opposite state of affairs. Semantic recognition, free recall, and memory for language of occurrence were all found to be superior for concrete words. Two hypotheses were advanced. One, called the "cultural imagery hypothesis," assumes that images may be culture specific, while the other hypothesis interprets the outcome in terms of the relations between stored attributes. An analysis of the experiment as an attribute-memory procedure is presented.     

Memory for moving and static images

Despite the substantial interest in memory for complex pictorial stimuli, there has been virtually no research comparing memory for static scenes with that for their moving counterparts. We report that both monochrome and color moving images are better remembered than static versions of the same stimuli at retention intervals up to one month. When participants studied a sequence of still images, recognition performance was the same as that for single static images. These results are discussed within a theoretical framework which draws upon previous studies of scene memory, face recognition, and representational momentum.     

Pictures and words in visual search

Ss in three experiments searched through an array of pictures or words for a target item that had been presented as a picture or a word. In Experiments I and II, the pictures were line drawings of familiar objects and the words were their printed labels; in Experiment III, the stimuli were photographs of the faces of famous people and their corresponding printed names. Search times in Experiments I and II were consistently faster when the array items were pictures than when they were words, regardless of the mode of the target items. Search was also faster with pictures than with words as targets when the search array also consisted of pictures, but target mode had no consistent effect with words as array items. Experiment III yielded a completely different pattern of results: Search time with names as targets and faces as search array items was significantly slower than in the other three conditions, which did not differ from each other. Considered in relation to several theories, the results are most consistent with a dual-coding interpretation. That is, items that are cognitively represented both verbally and as nonverbal images can be searched and compared in either mode, depending on the demands of the task. The mode actually used depends on whether the search must be conducted through an array of pictures or words.     

Memory for multiple visual ensembles in infancy

The number of individual items that can be maintained in working memory is limited. One solution to this problem is to store representations of ensembles that contain summary information about large numbers of items (e.g., the approximate number or cumulative area of a group of many items). Here we explored the developmental origins of ensemble representations by asking whether infants represent ensembles and, if so, how many at one time. We habituated 9-month-old infants to arrays containing 2, 3, or 4 spatially intermixed colored subsets of dots, then asked whether they detected a numerical change to one of the subsets or to the superset of all dots. Experiment Series 1 showed that infants detected a numerical change to 1 of the subsets when the array contained 2 subsets but not 3 or 4 subsets. Experiment Series 2 showed that infants detected a change to the superset of all dots no matter how many subsets were presented. Experiment 3 showed that infants represented both the approximate number and the cumulative surface area of these ensembles. Our results suggest that infants, like adults (Halberda, Sires, & Feigenson, 2006), can store quantitative information about 2 subsets plus the superset: a total of 3 ensembles. This converges with the known limit on the number of individual objects infants and adults can store and suggests that, throughout development, an ensemble functions much like an individual object for working memory.     

Flexibility in scanning described images

Two experiments investigated why past research has shown that described images lead to the typical increase in reaction time (RT) with increasing memory set size (m), but undescribed images do not. Experiment 1 used ms 6 through 8. A described image group showed a linear relation between m and RT up to a m of 6, and no increase in RT thereafter. A story group (which was asked to tell a brief story for words in a memory set) and a repetition group showed a linear relation between m and RT throughout the range of ms, whereas an image group showed no relation between m and RT. Experiment 2 essentially replicated the first experiment but manipulated memory strategy as a within subject variable. Similar results were found. The apparent change from "serial" to "parallel" processing by the described image groups in both studies reinforces the notion of flexibility in processing, particularly when multiple representations are formed or when multiple encoding strategies are used.     

Memory for words as a function of spelling transparency

The authors investigated the impact of spelling transparency on memory for words written in Persian orthography. Adult Persian university students (N = 212) performed in a memory recall experiment on 160 monosyllabic words printed on 8 cards (20 on each card) manipulated for spelling transparency, frequency, and imageability. Each card was presented randomly to the participants and they were asked to read the words aloud as quickly as possible. After reading each card, the participants were asked to engage in a digital addition task for 20 s (as a distracter), which was immediately followed by a request to write down as many words as possible from the cards in 40 s. No significant difference was found in the time to name aloud the opaque and transparent words, whereas on the memory recall task there were main effects for spelling, frequency, and imageability and significant 2-way and 3-way interactions. The effects were greatest for transparent spellings when they were of high frequency and high imageability or low frequency and low imageability. The implications of these findings are discussed.     

Memory advantage for produced words and familiar native accents

Our memory is better for words that we have read aloud than for words that we have read silently or have listened to. The present study tested this memory advantage for words with native accent markers that participants were either highly familiar or less familiar. As in previous studies, produced words were subsequently remembered better than listened-to words. In contrast to previous studies that involved a comparison of global foreign accents with standard native accents, in the present study words with highly familiar accent markers were remembered better than words with less familiar accent markers (Experiment 1). The familiar accent advantage was also found when participants could not hear their own productions during the training phase (Experiment 2). When tested with a week delay, produced words were still remembered better than listened-to words, but the advantage for words with familiar accent markers was no longer found (Experiment 3).     

Memory for words in prose and their locations on the page

Two experiments are reported that establish that the recall of the within-page spatial location and the content of words from a prose passage are not functionally independent, i.e., that each can serve to cue recall of the other. Depriving college students of the spatial-location cues on a page by having them read a passage in the continuous form from a scroll significantly lowered word recall, whereas providing them with cues that reinstated the within-page location of material at time of test significantly raised recall of words. Providing the content of answers to the questions at time of recall was found to increase memory for location. The data are consistent with a conception of memory as a constellation of features such that recall of one of these features serves a cuing function to facilitate recall of other features.     

Memory for words and drawings in children with hemiplegic cerebral palsy

A list-learning paradigm was used to study learning and memory of verbal and figurative material in children with right versus left-sided hemiplegic cerebral palsy. Thirty-one children with right (n=18), or left (n=13) congenital hemiplegia were compared with normal controls (n=19). All children had normal intelligence (IQ>80), and were attending standard schools. The inclusion criteria for the two hemiplegic groups were; no epilepsy, no hearing or visual impairments, and a mild to moderate hemiparesis. The aim of this study was to explore material-specific (words and drawings) differences in the acquisition, recall and serial position effects in children with an early unilateral brain lesion. The left-hemisphere impaired (i.e. right hemiplegia) group showed impaired acquisition for drawings, as compared with the normal controls. There was also a material-specific difference in the serial position effect for all three groups. Learning of words followed the primacy principle, whereas the learning of drawings followed the recency principle. There were no group-differences in delayed-recall (i.e. long-term memory) for either words or drawings. The results are discussed in terms of acquisition and retention of verbal and figurative materials in relation to lesion side and size.     

Information representation in visual images

How information is represented in visual images was explored in five experiments where subjects judged whether or not various properties were appropriate for given animals. It took more time to evaluate an animal when the subjective image of it was small, whether size was manipulated directly or indirectly (e.g., by having a target animal imaged at the correct relative size next to an elephant or a fly). More time also was required if the animal was imaged in a relatively “complex” environment (next to 4 vs. 2 digits painted on an imaginary wall, or next to a 16 cell vs. 4 cell matrix). Finally, subjectively larger images required more time to evoke than smaller images. These results support a constructivist notion of imagery, and the idea that images may act as ‘analogues’ to percepts.     

Memory psychophysics for visual area and length

Independent groups of observers made magnitude estimates of geographical area or interstate distance. In Experiment 1, observers estimated the areas of nations or of states of the United States from memory. In Experiment 2, estimates of state area were made either with a map present or from memory after the map had been studied. Similarly, in Experiment 3, observers made perceptual or memorial estimates of interstate distances. Perceptual estimates of distance and geographical area were related to actual stimulus magnitude by power functions whose exponents were similar to those found with conventional procedures. Memory estimates were also related to actual area and distance by power functions. Comparison of memory and perceptual exponents showed that for both area and distance, the memory exponent was equal to the square of the perceptual exponent. The results of Experiment 3 were predicted by a “re-perceptual” model of memory for continuous dimensions, which was developed to describe the results of Experiment 2.     

Memory for attended and unattended visual stimuli

Subjects were presented with lists of 'compound letters,' letters whose overall shapes were described by repeated use of replicates of other, smaller letters. In Experiment 1 subjects were asked to attend to either the overall letter or the smaller, constituent letter. At the end of list presentation, recall of all letters was required, but a postlist cue determined whether the attended or unattended letters were to be reported first. The results for four-item lists accorded with those of Martin (1978, 1980): order of report had a larger effect upon retention of attended letters than upon retention of unattended letters. The findings for three-item lists did not agree with Martin, however: first, the interaction of attention and order was weak; second, sharp recency for unattended letters was not found.

Experiment 2 required that subjects recall either in temporal pairs or by letter size. The results strongly suggest that the present paradigm does not constitute an analogue to dichotic listening. In particular, there is little evidence for a role for sensory retention of compound letters at time of recall.     

Memory for emotionally provocative words in alexithymia: A role for stimulus relevance

Alexithymia is associated with emotion processing deficits, particularly for negative emotional information. However, also common are a high prevalence of somatic symptoms and the perception of somatic sensations as distressing. Although little research has yet been conducted on memory in alexithymia, we hypothesized a paradoxical effect of alexithymia on memory. Specifically, recall of negative emotional words was expected to be reduced in alexithymia, while memory for illness words was expected to be enhanced in alexithymia.Eighty-five high or low alexithymia participants viewed and rated arousing illness-related (“pain”), emotionally positive (“thrill”), negative (“hatred”), and neutral words (“horse”). Recall was assessed 45 min later.High alexithymia participants recalled significantly fewer negative emotion words but also more illness-related words than low alexithymia participants. The results suggest that personal relevance can shape cognitive processing of stimuli, even to enhance retention of a subclass of stimuli whose retention is generally impaired in alexithymia.     

Memory transfer for emotionally valenced words between identities in dissociative identity disorder

The present study aimed to determine interidentity retrieval of emotionally valenced words in dissociative identity disorder (DID). Twenty-two DID patients participated together with 25 normal controls and 25 controls instructed to simulate DID. Two wordlists A and B were constructed including neutral, positive and negative material. List A was shown to one identity, while list B was shown to another identity claiming total amnesia for the words learned by the first identity. The identity claiming amnesia was tested for intrusions from list A words into the recall of words from list B and recognition of the words learned by both identities. Test results indicated no evidence of total interidentity amnesia for emotionally valenced material in DID. It is argued that dissociative amnesia in DID may more adequately be described as a disturbance in meta-memory functioning instead of an actual retrieval inability.     

Memory for emotional words in sentences: The importance of emotional contrast

Numerous researchers have demonstrated that emotional words are remembered better than neutral words. However, the effect has been attributed to factors other than emotion because it is somewhat fragile and influenced by variables such as the experimental designs employed. To investigate the role of emotion per se in memory for emotional words, negative-affect but low arousal emotional words were placed in sentence contexts that either activated high emotional meanings of the words (Shane died in his car last night.), or low emotional meanings of the words (Shane's old car died last night). The high-emotional contexts led to better memory than the low-emotional contexts, but only in mixed lists of emotional and neutral words. Additionally, the traditional emotional memory effect was also limited to mixed lists. The results are consistent with the idea that an emotional contrast is responsible for the emotional memory effect with low arousal emotional words.