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1.
Spoken language comprehension requires rapid integration of information from multiple linguistic sources. In the present study we addressed the temporal aspects of this integration process by focusing on the time course of the selection of the appropriate meaning of lexical ambiguities ("bank") in sentence contexts. Successful selection of the contextually appropriate meaning of the ambiguous word is dependent upon the rapid binding of the contextual information in the sentence to the appropriate meaning of the ambiguity. We used the N400 to identify the time course of this binding process. The N400 was measured to target words that followed three types of context sentences. In the concordant context, the sentence biased the meaning of the sentence-final ambiguous word so that it was related to the target. In the discordant context, the sentence context biased the meaning so that it was not related to the target. In the unrelated control condition, the sentences ended in an unambiguous noun that was unrelated to the target. Half of the concordant sentences biased the dominant meaning, and the other half biased the subordinate meaning of the sentence-final ambiguous words. The ISI between onset of the target word and offset of the sentence-final word of the context sentence was 100 ms in one version of the experiment, and 1250 ms in the second version. We found that (i) the lexically dominant meaning is always partly activated, independent of context, (ii) initially both dominant and subordinate meaning are (partly) activated, which suggests that contextual and lexical factors both contribute to sentence interpretation without context completely overriding lexical information, and (iii) strong lexical influences remain present for a relatively long period of time.  相似文献   

2.
汉语同形歧义词歧义消解的两半球差异   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
实验探讨汉语同形歧义词(homographs)歧义消解的过程及大脑两半球的差异。被试为华中科技大学96名大学生,实验采用词汇判断任务。句子语境呈现在被试的视野中央,探测词在SOA(stimulus onset asynchronism)为100毫秒或400毫秒时呈现在左视野或右视野。结果发现,(1)当SOA为100毫秒时,在左视野(右半球)上,与语境一致的同形歧义词的主要意义得到激活,与语境不一致的次要意义也有一定程度的激活。在右视野(左半球)上,只有与语境一致的同形歧义词的主要意义得到激活。(2)当SOA为400毫秒时,在左、右视野(两半球)上,与语境一致的同形歧义词的主要意义和次要意义都得到激活。结果表明,大脑左半球对汉语歧义词的歧义消解具有一定的优势,语境敏感模型可以较好地解释本实验的结果。  相似文献   

3.
杨群  张积家  范丛慧 《心理学报》2021,53(7):746-757
词汇歧义是语言的普遍现象。在汉语中, 歧义词的种类繁多, 是少数民族学生汉语学习困难的重要原因之一。通过两个实验, 考察在不同加工时间条件下维吾尔族和汉族的大学生在汉语歧义词消解中的语境促进效应及抑制效应。结果发现, 两个民族的大学生均出现了语境促进效应, 但在短时加工条件下, 汉族大学生的语境促进效应显著大于维吾尔族大学生, 在长时加工条件下, 两个民族的大学生的语境促进效应并无显著差异。在短时加工条件下, 仅汉族大学生可以有效地抑制无关信息的干扰; 在长时加工条件下, 两个民族的大学生均可以有效地抑制无关信息的干扰。整个研究表明, 在汉语歧义词消解中, 随着加工时间增加, 维吾尔族大学生的语境促进效应和对无关信息的抑制均可以达到与汉族大学生相近的水平。  相似文献   

4.
Two experiments were carried out in order to investigate how the linguistic context (in the form of a sentence) facilitates the interpretation of unambiguous words. Experiment I established that if a sentential context as a whole is sufficient to evoke an inference that calls to mind a particular aspect of a word's meaning, the presence of a verb with appropriate selectional restrictions does not enhance the process. Experiment II showed that when no other cues are provided within a sentence, both verbs and adjectives are effective in enhancing a specific aspect of the meaning of a word. These findings were taken to support the hypothesis that in understanding a sentence, people instantiate particular aspects of the meanings of words in order to construct specific interpretations, and linguistic context guides this process of selection.  相似文献   

5.
无语境条件下汉语词类歧义词的意义激活   总被引:6,自引:1,他引:5  
武宁宁  舒华 《心理学报》2001,34(4):18-24
以单字词为实验材料,采用启动命名任务,在孤立词条件下考察了汉语词类歧义词不同意义激活的时间进程特点。实验发现,歧义词的两种意义都能被激活,但主要意义激活得较早,次要意义激活速度较慢;当两种意义都激活之后,次要意义的激活水平降低,而主要意义仍维持在一定激活水平。结果表明,汉语词类歧义词的多重激活过程会受到意义相对频率的影响。  相似文献   

6.
Readers' eye movements were monitored as they read biased ambiguous target words in the context of a short paragraph. Two aspects of context were manipulated. The global context was presented in the topic sentence of the paragraph and instantiated either the dominant or the subordinate meaning of biased ambiguous target words (those with highly dominant meanings). Local contextual information either preceded or followed the target word and was always consistent with the subordinate interpretation. Consistent with prior research, we obtained a subordinate bias effect wherein readers looked longer at the ambiguous words than control words when the preceding context instantiated the subordinate meaning. More importantly, the magnitude of the subordinate bias effect was the same when global context alone, local context alone, or local and global context combined were consistent with the subordinate meaning of the ambiguous word. The results of this study indicate that global contextual information (1) has an immediate impact on lexical ambiguity resolution when no local disambiguating information is available, (2) has no additional effect when it is consistent with local information, but (3) does have a slightly delayed effect when inconsistent with local information.  相似文献   

7.
Two experiments were carried out to demonstrate that linguistic context (in the form of a sentence) influences the interpretation of unambiguous words. Experiment I established that subjects read a sentence which primes a particular aspect of the meaning of one of the words it contains faster than they read a sentence which primes no particular aspect of the word's meaning. It also showed that subjects produce semantic characteristics of the word faster following the priming sentence than following the sentence that primes no particular semantic component. Experiment II corroborated these results using a task in which subjects read a sentence and then answered a question about the meaning of a word that occurred in it. Given a particular question, responses were faster when it followed a sentence that primed a characteristic relevant to the question than when it followed a sentence that primed no particular characteristic of the word. Responses were reliably slowest when the question followed a sentence that primed a characteristic that was not relevant to the question. Semantic priming is known to affect the identification of words and their disambiguation; the present study confirms that it also affects the specific interpretation of words.  相似文献   

8.
Abstract —Subjects read sentences containing lexically ambiguous words while their eye movements were monitored Biased ambiguous words (those that have one highly dominant sense) were used m sentences containing a prior context that instantiated their subordinate sense Control words were matched m frequency both to the dominant and to the subordinate meaning of the ambiguous word (high- and low-frequency controls) Subjects fixated longer on both the ambiguous word and the low-frequence control than on the high-frequency control When the target was ambiguous, however, the duration of posttarget fixations was longer and the likelihood of making a regression to the target was greater than when the target was an unambiguous control The results are discussed m relation to current models of lexical ambiguity resolution  相似文献   

9.
Selection mechanisms in reading lexically ambiguous words   总被引:9,自引:0,他引:9  
Readers' eye movements were monitored as they read sentences containing lexically ambiguous words. The ambiguous words were either biased (one strongly dominant interpretation) or nonbiased. Readers' gaze durations were longer on nonbiased than biased words when the disambiguating information followed the target word. In Experiment 1, reading times on the disambiguating word did not differ whether the disambiguation followed the target word immediately or occurred several words later. In Experiment 2, prior disambiguation eliminated the long gaze durations on nonbiased target words but resulted in long gaze durations on biased target words if the context demanded the subordinate meaning. The results indicate that successful integration of one meaning with prior context terminates the search for alternative meanings of that word. This results in selective (single meaning) access when integration of a dominant meaning is fast (due to a biasing context) and identification of a subordinate meaning is slow (a strongly biased ambiguity with a low-frequency meaning).  相似文献   

10.
The aim of the study was a comparison of lexical and contextual factors in understanding ambiguous words in German. First, a sample of native speakers selected 56 words having maximally strong differences between a dominant and a subordinate meaning. After this, another sample from the same population was visually presented with sentences that activated dominant or subordinate meanings of the words and were accompanied by probes associated with dominant or subordinate meanings. This resulted in a crossed design with two factors: sentence dominant vs. sentence subordinate and probe dominant vs. probe subordinate. An analysis of event-related brain potentials revealed a large, long-lasting and highly-significant N400 wave whenever the meaning of the probe was incongruent with the meaning of the sentence and the lack of this wave whenever the two meanings were congruent. In the typical N400 space and time, the effect was independent of whether the lexical word meaning was dominant or subordinate. At other sites and times, however (e.g., at lateral frontal electrodes F7/F8, and after 700 ms), the congruence effect was significant after dominant sentences only. The data indicate that lexical factors have a rather limited influence on the activation of a particular meaning of ambiguous words. A strong context can virtually override even a very strong difference in the preference for different meanings.  相似文献   

11.
Children in Grades 4 and 6 read isolated target words following the auditory presentation of an ambiguous word (e.g., deck). The ambiguous word occurred as the last word in either a neutral sentence (e.g., “There is the deck”) or as the last word in a riddle (“Why couldn't anybody play poker on the ark? Because Noah sat on the deck). Related target words were consistent with either the dominant meaning (e.g., porch) or the subordinate meaning (cards) of the ambiguous word. In the neutral context, Grade 4 children showed equivalent facilitation for dominant and subordinate targets relative to unrelated target words; Grade 6 children showed facilitation only for the dominant targets. In the riddle context, both groups of children showed equivalent facilitation for the two types of related targets. The neutral context results supported the hypothesis that the two bases of context effects—automatic lexical access and selective access—develop at different rates (Simpson &; Foster, 1986). The results obtained from the riddles suggest that the selective process is strategic (Ceci, 1989).  相似文献   

12.
Models of lexical ambiguity resolution posit a role for context, but this construct has remained relatively undefined in the literature. The present study isolated two different forms of contextual constraint and examined how these sources of information might differentiate between a selective access and a reordered access model of ambiguity processing. Eye movements were monitored as participants read passages that contained either a balanced or a biased ambiguous word. The sentence containing the ambiguous word was held constant and instantiated either the subordinate meaning (Experiment 1) or the dominant meaning (Experiment 2) through the use of local context. These sentences were embedded in passages in which the topic was consistent, inconsistent, or neutral with respect to the meaning biased by the critical sentence. Experiment 1 provided evidence suggesting that the subordinate meaning of an ambiguous word was not selectively accessed even when sentence and discourse topic information biased that meaning. The data from Experiment 2 provided evidence that even the dominant meaning was not selectively accessed. These contextual sources of information were evaluated in terms of the roles they play in models of lexical ambiguity resolution.  相似文献   

13.
Four experiments examined the role of meaning frequency (dominance) and associative strength (measured by associative norms) in the processing of ambiguous words in isolation. Participants made lexical decisions to targets words that were associates of the more frequent (dominant) or less frequent (subordinate) meaning of a homograph prime. The first two experiments investigated the role of associative strength at long SOAs (Stimulus Onset Asynchrony) (750 ms.), showing that meaning is facilitated by the targets' associative strength and not by their dominance. The last two experiments traced the role associative strength at short SOAs (250 ms), showing that the manipulation of the associative strength has no effect in the semantic priming. The conclusions are: on the one hand, semantic priming for homographs is due to associative strength manipulations at long SOAs. On the other hand, the manipulation of the associative strength has no effect when automatic processes (short SOAs) are engaged for homographs.  相似文献   

14.
Three experiments were conducted to investigate the influence of contextual constraint on lexical ambiguity resolution in the cerebral hemispheres. A cross-modal priming variant of the divided visual field task was utilized in which subjects heard sentences containing homonyms and made lexical decisions to targets semantically related to dominant and subordinate meanings. Experiment 1 showed priming in both hemispheres of dominant meanings for homonyms embedded in neutral sentence contexts. Experiment 2 showed priming in both hemispheres of dominant and subordinate meanings for homonyms embedded in sentence contexts that biased a central semantic feature of the subordinate meaning. Experiment 3 showed priming of dominant meanings in the left hemisphere (LH), and priming of the subordinate meaning in the right hemisphere (RH) for homonyms embedded in sentences that biased a peripheral semantic feature of the subordinate meaning. These results are consistent with a context-sensitive model of language processing that incorporates differential sensitivity to semantic relationships in the cerebral hemispheres.  相似文献   

15.
In two experiments, participants' eye movements were monitored as they read sentences containing biased syntactic category ambiguous words with either distinct (e.g., duck) or related (e.g., burn) meanings or unambiguous control words. In Experiment 1, prior context was consistent with either the dominant or subordinate interpretation of the ambiguous word. The subordinate bias effect was absent for the ambiguous words in gaze duration measures. However, effects of ambiguity did emerge in other measures for the ambiguous words preceded by context supporting the subordinate interpretation. In Experiment 2, context preceding the target words was neutral. Ambiguity effects only arose when posttarget context was consistent with the subordinate interpretation of the ambiguous words, indicating that readers initially selected the dominant interpretation. Results support immediate theories of syntactic category ambiguity resolution, but also suggest that recovery from misanalysis of syntactic category ambiguity is more difficult than for lexical-semantic ambiguity in which alternate interpretations do not cross syntactic category.  相似文献   

16.
The current experiment assessed the relation between inhibitory mechanisms underlying language processing in working memory (WM) and the influence of a postulated internal cognitive trade-off between lexicon and context factors driving inhibition in sentence processing. Participants with high and low WM span (Daneman & Carpenter, 1980) were presented with sentences that began with an ambiguous noun (being both homographic and homophonic). A cue towards the relevant meaning of the ambiguous word was presented three words later by another noun. Immediately after the cue, a verb was presented that finally disambiguated the ambiguous noun. In half of the cases, the final disambiguation was congruent with the disambiguation cue. In the other half, subjects had to realize that it was not the cued but the other meaning, which turned out to be relevant in the actual sentence. This experimental paradigm was identical to the one used in Gunter et al. (2003). In contrast to the original experiment, the filler items in the present study were unambiguous. Both groups showed a smaller N400 component for the cue related to the dominant as compared to the subordinate meaning, suggesting that the dominant meaning was more active in WM than the subordinate one. In the original experiment, only the high-span subjects manifested this effect. Thus, a change in the global experimental setting changed the use of WM-related inhibitory processes. Data also suggest that, as a default strategy, the lexicon-context trade-off of high-span subjects relies more on lexicon information than does that of low-span subjects.  相似文献   

17.
The perceptual complexity of lexically ambiguous and unambiguous sentences was compared in three experiments. In Experiment 1, the report of ambiguous words from rapidly presented ambiguous sentences was worse than the report of corresponding unambiguous words from unambiguous sentences. Results of Experiment 2 showed that the effect was not reduced by the presence of prior biasing context within the sentence. Experiment 3 repeated the finding with a sentence meaning classification task. It was concluded that both meanings of a lexically ambiguous sentence must be computed, even when prior context makes one meaning more plausible than the other.  相似文献   

18.
Structural influences on lexical ambiguity resolution in the two cerebral hemispheres was investigated using a divided visual field procedure. Participants were presented with auditory Wh- sentences containing an ambiguous word, where the grammatical role of the word was apparent only at a sentence-final verb (e.g., "Which BANK did the woman see?"). Following a sentence, either immediately or after 600 ms, a target word was presented in either the right or left visual field. Targets were related to the ambiguous word's dominant meaning (MONEY), the subordinate meaning (RIVER), or were unrelated. With left visual field presentation, priming occurred for both dominant- and subordinate-related targets at a 0 ms delay, but only for dominant-related targets at 600 ms. With left visual field presentation, priming occurred for subordinate-related targets only at both delays. The results suggest that grammatical assignment triggers the selection of meaning in the left hemisphere, whereas processing in the right hemisphere operates independently of structural analyses.  相似文献   

19.
In two visual world eye tracking studies, we examined the activation of subordinate meanings of ambiguous homophones in Hindi and particularly when the sentence context is biased towards the dominant meaning. Participants listened to sentences that were either neutral or biased towards the dominant meaning of the homophone and saw a display containing four pictures. In experiment 1, the display had a shape competitor of the subordinate meaning of the homophone in both neutral and biased conditions along with three unrelated distractors. Experiment 2 had semantic competitors of the subordinate meaning of the homophones along with three distractors. Proportion of fixations to different objects overtime suggested that participants activated the subordinate meanings and oriented their attention to the shape and semantic competitors even when the prior context was biased towards the dominant meaning. Overall, these data from Hindi provide further support to those models of lexical access that assume exhaustive access of both the meanings of an ambiguous homophone. These data suggest even a dominant bias does not eliminate the activation of perceptual and conceptual features of the subordinate meaning.  相似文献   

20.
Readers' eye movements were monitored as they read sentences containing lexically ambiguous words whose meanings share a single syntactic category (e.g., calf), lexically ambiguous words whose meanings belong to different syntactic categories (e.g., duck), or unambiguous control words. Information provided prior to the target always unambiguously specified the context-appropriate syntactic-category assignment for the target. Fixation times were longer on ambiguous words whose meanings share a single syntactic category than on controls, both when prior context was semantically consistent with the subordinate interpretation of a biased ambiguous word (Experiment 1) and when prior context was semantically neutral as to the intended interpretation of a balanced ambiguous word (Experiment 2). These ambiguity effects, which resulted from differences in difficulty with meaning resolution, were not found when the ambiguity crossed syntactic categories. These data indicate that, in the absence of syntactic ambiguity, syntactic-category information mediates the semantic-resolution process.  相似文献   

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