声旁与笔画省略方式对形声字识别的影响

本研究通过两个实验,考察笔画省略方式和声旁对形声字识别的影响。实验一采用命名任务考察了声旁和三种笔画省略方式（省前、略后、不省）对左右结构形声字识别的影响。结果表明存在笔画顺序效应和声旁位置效应,并发现略后的笔画中有声旁,笔画顺序效应会消失。这说明声旁的作用抵消了笔画顺序效应,体现了声旁在形声字识别中的重要作用;实验二在实验一的基础上,采用上下结构的形声字,实验结果表现出了相同的趋势,且更加显著。     

声旁与整字的音段、声调关系对形声字命名的影响

采用命名任务研究了汉字形声字的声旁与整字的音段、声调关系对形声字命名反应时的影响,探讨声旁的音段、声调在汉字形声字发音中的作用。实验材料是180个汉字形声字。实验结果表明,汉字形声字的声旁与整字的音段关系对命名时间有重要影响。汉字形声字的命名存在着“规则效应”,声旁与整字音段相同时反应快,声旁与整字音段相异时反应慢。汉字形声字的命名也存在着“声调效应”。声旁与整字的声调关系对命名有重要影响。当声旁与整字声调相同时反应快,当声旁与整字声调相异时反应慢,这种效应不受字频影响。整个实验结果支持汉字认知中强的亚词汇成分自动激活的观点。     

小学低年级学生对陌生形声字的语音提取

对小学低年级学生对陌生形声字的语音提取进行了研究。实验1表明,字频、声旁位置、声旁与整字音段的关系影响小学二年级学生对陌生形声字的语音提取。高频字的命名成绩好于低频字,声旁在右的形声字命名成绩好于声旁在左的形声字,声旁与整字音段相同的形声字命名成绩好于声旁与整字音段部分相同或完全不同的形声字,体现了“规则效应”。语文水平也影响被试对陌生形声字的语音提取。小学生对左右结构的陌生形声字的语音提取策略按使用频率依次为：读半边、部件重组、整字形似、部件形似、词汇联拼、部件意义联想、整字意义联想、部件词汇联拼。实验2结果表明,当陌生形声字的形旁不可命名时,小学一年级学生对整字的命名更倾向于利用声旁信息。形声字声旁在右时,利用可单独命名的声旁命名整字的可能性更大。当形旁可命名时．声旁的语音线索与形旁的语音线索存在竞争。     

形旁家族、声旁家族和高频同声旁字对形声字识别的影响

通过3个实验,考察形旁家族、声旁家族和高频同声旁字对汉字形声字识别的影响。实验1考察形旁家族大小及声旁语音信息的作用。实验2和实验3考察声旁家族大小和高频同声旁字的作用。结果发现,形旁家族和声旁家族大对形声字识别起促进作用;高频同声旁字在使用假字时起抑制作用,在使用非字时无作用;在使用假字时,形旁家族小时识别声旁不可发音的字快于识别声旁可发音的字。研究结果支持字词识别的交互激活模型     

汉语形声字声旁家族大小对整字发音的影响

拼音文字阅读中的“家族效应”是语音通达研究的一个重要角度,然而,汉字语音通达的家族效应研究却未见报道。本文运用快速命名的实验范式,对汉字形声字声旁家族大小对整字语音通达的影响进行了研究。结果发现汉字阅读中也存在家族效应,但是与拼音文字正好相反,声旁家族越大,反应时越长,在不规则汉字阅读中表现更为明显,显示了汉语语音通达有别于拼音文字的特殊性。另外,作者在研究基础上提出了一个汉字形声字阅读的模型,以期更深入地揭示汉字形声字阅读的认知机制     

小学儿童汉字阅读特点初探

该研究运用命名任务、通过两个实验探查了小学儿童汉字阅读的发展特点。实验一发现,小学7岁、8岁、9岁儿童在汉字阅读中受不同汉字结构类型的影响。在笔画数没有显著差异的情况下,独体字的阅读比合体字快,而合体字中上下结构和左右结构类型之间没有差异,而且独体字语音提取的优势从7岁儿童开始就具有了,这种优势稳定地发展下去。实验二在实验一的基础上进一步考察了7岁、9岁、11岁儿童汉字形声字阅读中声旁对整字发音的影响,结果发现,声旁与整字发音一致的形声字阅读快于声旁与整字发音不一致的形声字的阅读,这种汉字阅读中的规则效应从7岁儿童就出现了,而且,稳定地发展下去。     

声符和义符在形声字语音、语义提取中的作用――来自部件知觉眼动研究的证据

采用眼动技术记录汉语阅读者在形声字的语音、语义提取中对声符和义符的注意规律,考察形声字部件的位置、功能和正字法意识对汉字认知的影响。结果表明:(1)在汉字的视觉加工中,阅读者对部件空间位置的注意加工优势受到声旁位置的调节。对左形右声结构的汉字,被试更多地注意字的右边,对右形左声结构的汉字,被试更多地注意字的左边;(2)在汉语阅读者的正字法规则中,存在着"左侧释义、右侧释音"的部件的位置-功能联结。(3)在通达形声字的语音、语义的过程中,与义符相比,声符具有注意资源的优势,这种优势在语音提取任务中更加明显:声符无需依赖义符的信息便可以相对独立地激活整字的语音,但声符需要义符的配合才能够提取整字的语义。     

声符和义符在形声字语音、语义提取中的作用

采用眼动技术记录汉语阅读者在形声字的语音、语义提取中对声符和义符的注意规律, 考察形声字部件的位置、功能和正字法意识对汉字认知的影响。结果表明：(1)在汉字的视觉加工中, 阅读者对部件空间位置的注意加工优势受到声旁位置的调节。对左形右声结构的汉字, 被试更多地注意字的右边, 对右形左声结构的汉字, 被试更多地注意字的左边; (2)在汉语阅读者的正字法规则中, 存在着“左侧释义、右侧释音”的部件的位置-功能联结。(3)在通达形声字的语音、语义的过程中, 与义符相比, 声符具有注意资源的优势, 这种优势在语音提取任务中更加明显：声符无需依赖义符的信息便可以相对独立地激活整字的语音, 但声符需要义符的配合才能够提取整字的语义。     

形旁和声旁在形声字识别中的作用

形声字是由表示意义范畴的义符(形旁)和表示发音信息的声符(声旁)组合而成, 以往研究虽然肯定了声旁在形声字加工中的作用, 但对形旁的作用仍存在一定争议。结合行为和脑电技术, 采用汉字判断任务, 以形旁和声旁均为独体字的形声字作为实验材料, 通过操纵形旁频率和声旁频率, 本研究进一步探讨了形旁和声旁在形声字识别中的作用。行为结果(实验1)发现形旁频率并未引发反应时和错误率上的显著变化, 而声旁频率在反应时和错误率上均产生了显著的效应, 相对于低频声旁, 高频声旁条件下的反应时更长、错误率更高。脑电结果(实验2)发现, 相对于低频形旁, 高频形旁在前脑区引发了一个波幅更小的N400; 而声旁频率不仅可以在全部脑区引发N400的变化, 同时在左脑的前、中脑区引发了P200的变化。相对于低频声旁, 高频声旁所引发的P200波幅更小, N400波幅更大。两实验结果说明, 在形声字识别中, 形旁和声旁均可以产生作用, 但形旁的激活时间要晚于声旁, 且作用相对较弱。     

汉语形声字语音加工的前词汇通路

本文利用两个行为实验研究了汉语形声字语音加工的前词汇通路。实验-采用命名作业考察了规则性对汉字形声字语音加工的影响,发现在中、低频字中存在规则性效应;实验二考察了视觉对比度和规则性在形声字语音加工中的作用,发现二者存在显著的交互作用,表明汉字语音加工中也存在词汇前通路。作者还从双通道模型角度对实验结果进行了分析。     

Use of parafoveally visible characters during the reading of Chinese sentences

Chinese readers' use of parafoveal character previews was examined. In Experiment 1, the preview of target characters consisted of targets or of graphemically similar, homophonic, or dissimilar characters. Each preview was replaced with the corresponding target when the eyes reached the target location. Oculomotor measures revealed preview benefits for targets, for graphemically similar characters, and for homophonic characters. Experiment 2 showed that parafoveal preview of graphemically similar characters yielded benefits primarily when they shared the phonetic radical with their targets. The phonological relationship between previewed radicals and subsequently viewed targets was ineffective. Chinese character processing thus involves the initial use of orthographic information from the phonetic radical and the activation of the character's phonological form.     

Comparison of brain mechanisms underlying the processing of Chinese characters and pseudo-characters: an event-related potential study

Most Chinese characters are composed of a semantic radical on the left and a phonetic radical on the right. The semantic radical provides the semantic information; the phonetic radical provides information concerning the pronunciation of the whole character. The pseudo‐characters in the study consisted of different sub‐lexical parts of real Chinese characters and consequently they also had the semantic radical and the phonetic radical. But they were not readable and had no actual meaning. In order to investigate the spatiotemporal cortical activation patterns underlying the orthographic, phonological and semantic processing of Chinese characters, we used event‐related brain potentials (ERPs) to explore the processing of Chinese characters and pseudo‐characters when 14 healthy Chinese college students viewed the characters passively. Results showed that both Chinese characters and pseudo‐characters elicited an evident negative potential peaking around 120 ms (N120), which appeared to reflect initial orthographic distinction and evaluation. Then, Chinese pseudo‐characters elicited a more positive ERP deflection (P220) than did Chinese characters 200–250 ms after onset of the stimuli. It was similar to the recognition potential (RP) and might reflect the integration processes of phonological and semantic processing on the basis of early orthographic information. Dipole source analysis of the difference wave (pseudo‐characters minus characters) indicated that a generator localized in the left temporal‐occipital junction contributed to this effect, which was possibly related to phonological and perceptual–semantic information integration. Between 350–450 ms, a greater negativity (N360) in pseudo‐characters as compared to characters was found over midline fronto‐central scalp regions. Dipole analysis localized the generator of N360 in the right parahippocampal cortex. Therefore, the N360 might be an N400 component and reflect the higher‐level semantic activation on the basis of orthographic, phonological and perceptual–semantic processing.     

汉字形声字声旁的语义加工(英文)

作为汉字书写系统和意义表达基本单位的汉字可分为独体字(占5％)和合体字(占95％)两大类。绝大多数合体字由两部分组成：义旁(通常在左边)和声旁(通常在右边)。声旁能够为这些合体字提供语音信息。根据声旁的读音与整字的读音是否一致,可把合体字分为规则字和不规则字。本研究的目的在于考察合体字声旁的亚词汇加工是否仅仅是一个纯粹的语音事件,只涉及声旁的语音加工,还是同时也是一个语义事件,涉及到声旁语义信息的激活。要求被试对屏幕上先后呈现的合体字(如“冯”)和与其声旁语义相关的字(“牛”)作语义相关判断。整字之间并无语义关系,被试正确的反应应是“否”。实验结果表明,相对于完全无关的控制组(如“冯——后”)来说,被试对声旁相关组的反应明显减慢,出现了抑制效应。这种效应基本不受整字的读音规则性和呈现顺序的影响。这些实验结果表达了合体字加工中的分解和平行激活过程。在整字加工的同时,声旁在心理词典中的语音和语义表征得到了激活。汉字声旁的亚词汇加工既是个语音事件,也是个语义事件,与词汇水平的加工没有本质的区别。     

Use of phonological codes for Chinese characters: evidence from processing of parafoveal preview when reading sentences

The role of phonological coding for character identification was examined with the benefit of processing parafoveal characters in eye fixations while reading Chinese sentences. In Experiment 1, the orthogonal manipulation of phonological and orthographic similarity can separate two types of phonological benefits for homophonic previews, according to whether these previews share the same phonetic radical with the targets or not. The significant phonological benefits indicate that phonological coding is activated early when the character is in the parafovea. Experiment 2 manipulated the character's consistency value and found that the phonological preview benefits are reliable only when the targets are high consistency characters. The results of two experiments suggest that phonological computation is rapid and early at both character and radical levels for Chinese character identification.     

儿童汉字读音声旁一致性意识的发展

采用同音判断的方法,考察儿童对汉字读音声旁一致性意识的发展。一个熟悉字和一个不熟悉字共用同一个声旁,该声旁在提示整字发音时可以是一致的,即包含此声旁的所有汉字都发音相同,也可以是不一致的。要求儿童猜测不熟悉字的读音,作出它与熟悉字“是”、“否”同音的判断。结果发现,儿童很早就意识到汉字的结构以及声旁和形旁在表音、表义功能上的分工。随着年级的升高,声旁一致性对猜测不熟悉汉字读音的影响增强。小学四年级语文能力较高的儿童已经开始意识到声旁的一致性;六年级儿童总体上说来已发展了一致性意识。初二年级的学生发展了声旁一致性意识,且没有能力差异。大学生的声旁一致性意识最强。     

Activation of semantic information at the sublexical level during handwriting production: Evidence from inhibition effects of Chinese semantic radicals in the picture‐word interference paradigm

Using a non‐alphabetic language (e.g., Chinese), the present study tested a novel view that semantic information at the sublexical level should be activated during handwriting production. Over 80% of Chinese characters are phonograms, in which semantic radicals represent category information (e.g., 椅 ‘chair,’ 桃 ‘peach,’ 橙 ‘orange’ are related to plants) while phonetic radicals represent phonetic information (e.g., 狼 ‘wolf,’ 朗 ‘brightness,’ 郎 ‘male,’ are all pronounced /lang/). Under different semantic category conditions at the lexical level (semantically related in Experiment 1; semantically unrelated in Experiment 2), the orthographic relatedness and semantic relatedness of semantic radicals in the picture name and its distractor were manipulated under different SOAs (i.e., stimulus onset asynchrony, the interval between the onset of the picture and the onset of the interference word). Two questions were addressed: (1) Is it possible that semantic information could be activated in the sublexical level conditions? (2) How are semantic and orthographic information dynamically accessed in word production? Results showed that both orthographic and semantic information were activated under the present picture‐word interference paradigm, dynamically under different SOAs, which supported our view that discussions on semantic processes in the writing modality should be extended to the sublexical level. The current findings provide possibility for building new orthography‐phonology‐semantics models in writing.     

三、五年级儿童形声字识别中形旁和声旁家族效应

采用2（年级）×2（声旁家族大小）×2（形旁家族大小）三因素混合实验设计,在形声字识别中考察了三、五年级儿童的形旁和声旁家族效应。结果仅在三年级中发现了显著的形旁家族大小效应,而五年级中却没有发现。但两个年级中形旁和声旁家族的交互作用均显著。进一步分析发现在声旁处于大家族时,形旁也处于大家族时,三、五年级儿童的反应时更快。此结果说明声旁和形旁家族共同影响形声字识别,但在三年级儿童中,形旁家族效应可以不依赖于声旁家族单独发挥作用,五年级儿童中却没有独立的形旁家族效应。