Rate reduction strategies used by normally fluent and stuttering children and adults

Speech rate can be reduced by prolonging the duration of phonetic units, by pausing between words, or through a combination of these approaches. Child and adult normally fluent speakers and stutterers were tested in basal and modified speaking rate conditions. Subjects' utterances in both conditions were converted to spectrographic displays so that measures of phonetic and pause durations could be made. Comparisons of these measures across conditions revealed that all four groups of subjects spontaneously extended pause and phonetic durations, the former more than the latter, when instructed to voluntarily reduce speech rate.     

Switching pauses in cooperative and competitive conversations

The effects of three variables (conversation type, turn completeness, and sexual composition of the interacting dyad) on switching pause durations was investigated. Conversation type was represented by two categories of conversation: cooperative and competitive. A cooperative conversation is one in which participants cooperate in floor apportionment, while a competitive conversation is one in which the participants compete for the floor. Turn completeness has two levels and refers to the presence or absence of a turn-yielding signal in the utterance immediately preceding a switching pause. Three dyad compositions, male-male, female-female, and male-female were used, with six dyads in each category. The subjects participated in four conversations, two friendly chats and two arguments, on various topics. The switching pauses in competitive conversations were shorter than those in cooperative conversations. Furthermore, conversation type had a significant effect on the switching pause length following imcomplete utterances.     

Integration of pragmatic and phonetic cues in spoken word recognition

Although previous research has established that multiple top-down factors guide the identification of words during speech processing, the ultimate range of information sources that listeners integrate from different levels of linguistic structure is still unknown. In a set of experiments, we investigate whether comprehenders can integrate information from the 2 most disparate domains: pragmatic inference and phonetic perception. Using contexts that trigger pragmatic expectations regarding upcoming coreference (expectations for either he or she), we test listeners' identification of phonetic category boundaries (using acoustically ambiguous words on the /hi/～/∫i/ continuum). The results indicate that, in addition to phonetic cues, word recognition also reflects pragmatic inference. These findings are consistent with evidence for top-down contextual effects from lexical, syntactic, and semantic cues, but they extend this previous work by testing cues at the pragmatic level and by eliminating a statistical-frequency confound that might otherwise explain the previously reported results. We conclude by exploring the time course of this interaction and discussing how different models of cue integration could be adapted to account for our results.     

Neural substrates of linguistic prosody: evidence from syntactic disambiguation in the productions of brain-damaged patients

The present investigation focussed on the neural substrates underlying linguistic distinctions that are signalled by prosodic cues. A production experiment was conducted to examine the ability of left- (LHD) and right- (RHD) hemisphere-damaged patients and normal controls to use temporal and fundamental frequency cues to disambiguate sentences which include one or more Intonational Phrase level prosodic boundaries. Acoustic analyses of subjects' productions of three sentence types-parentheticals, appositives, and tags-showed that LHD speakers, compared to RHD and normal controls, exhibited impairments in the control of temporal parameters signalling phrase boundaries, including inconsistent patterns of pre-boundary lengthening and longer-than-normal pause durations in non-boundary positions. Somewhat surprisingly, a perception test presented to a group of normal native listeners showed listeners experienced greatest difficulty in identifying the presence or absence of boundaries in the productions of the RHD speakers. The findings support a cue lateralization hypothesis in which prosodic domain plays an important role.     

The patterns of silence: Performance structures in sentence production

The pauses produced by speakers while reading familiar material were used to obtain hierarchical sentence structures. Identical structures were obtained from parsing, indicating that the performance structures of sentences are not task specific. The linguistic surface structure of a sentence is a good predictor of the pause durations. However, speakers also revealed a tendency to place pauses between segments of equal length. A simple cyclical model combining, for each pause location, an index of linguistic complexity and a measure of the distance to the midpoint of the segment, accounts for 72% of the pause time variance as opposed to 56% for the linguistic index alone. The generality of the model is shown by its good prediction of the pause durations obtained in unrelated studies in English and American Sign Language.     

A study of timing in a manual and a spoken language: American sign language and English

A comparative analysis of the time variables in the production of speech and sign reveals that signers modify their global physical rate primarily by altering the time they spend articulating, whereas speakers do so by changing the time they spend pausing. When signers increase or decrease their pause time, however little they do so, they alter the number and the length of the pauses equally, whereas speakers primarily alter the number of pauses and leave their pause durations relatively constant. An analysis of the durations of signs reveals that signs are longer at the end of sentences than within sentences and that the first occurrence of a sign is longer than the second when syntactic location is controlled (both these findings have already been reported for spoken language). The inherent duration of a sign can be accounted for almost totally by the movement characteristic; handshape, location, and number of hands in a sign are of little importance. Finally, signers retain their regular quiet-breathing respiratory pattern across signing rates and inhale at locations independent of syntactic importance. In this they are quite unlike speakers, who breathe at syntactic breaks.This research was supported in part by Grant R03 MH 28133, Department of Health, Education, and Welfare.     

How the components of speaking rate influence perception of phonetic segments

In two studies we investigated the way in which the components of speaking rate, articulation rate and pause rate, combine to influence processing of the silence-duration cue for the voicing distinction in medial stop consonants. First, we replicated the finding that the articulation rate of a carrier sentence, that is, the rate at which the speech itself is produced, influences how the duration information is used to assign voicing values. Second, and more importantly, the assignment of voicing values was also influenced by the pause rate of the sentence. Thus, the listener adjusts for both articulation rate and pause rate when processing the phonetically relevant information. Finally, the two rate components did not function in an equivalent manner, since changes in articulation rate had considerably more effect on phonetic judgments than did changes in pause rate. Alternative explanations fo the relative weighting of the two variables are discussed.     

Control over the time course of cognition in the tempo-naming task

Five experiments are reported in which standard naming and tempo-naming tasks were used to investigate mechanisms of control over the time course of lexical processing. The time course of processing was manipulated by asking participants to time their responses with an audiovisual metronome. As the tempo of the metronome increased, results showed that (a) the rate of lexical errors increased, whereas the rate of regularization errors remained constant; (b) onset errors increased at a faster rate than body errors; (c) stimulus effects weakened on latencies, whereas they strengthened on durations and errors; and (d) naming durations decreased more slowly when stimuli were presented prior to the response cue. These results constitute evidence that time pressure in the tempo-naming task caused a compression in the time course of lexical processing. Compression is discussed in terms of threshold mechanisms and rate mechanisms of control.     

Effects of training on attention to acoustic cues

Learning new phonetic categories in a second language may be thought of in terms of learning to focus one's attention on those parts of the acoustic-phonetic structure of speech that are phonologically relevant in any given context. As yet, however, no study has demonstrated directly that training can shift listeners' attention between acoustic cues given feedback about the linguistic phonetic category alone. In this paper we discuss the results of a training study in which subjects learned to shift their attention from one acoustic cue to another using only category-level identification as feedback. Results demonstrate that training redirects listeners' attention to acoustic cues and that this shift of attention generalizes to novel (untrained) phonetic contexts.     

Empirical evidence for narrative structure

Three experimental tasks—spontaneous telling of a story, reading, and parsing the story—were used to determine whether empirical data reflect the narrative structure of stories and can be predicted by a plot unit analysis of the stories (Lehnert, 1981). It was found that spontaneous pause durations at sentence breaks were highly correlated with the importance of these breaks as predicted theoretically. Only low correlations were obtained, however, when reading pause durations were correlated with the model. As for parsing values, the value of the correlation coefficients depended on whether stories had sufficient superficial linguistic cues to help the subjects in parsing. It was concluded that spontaneous pausing not only reflects the narrative structure of stories, but can be used as a guide to constructing theories of narrative structure as well as for deciding between competing theories.     

Remembering ads: The effects of encoding strategies,retrieval cues,and emotional response

This study uses the encoding specificity principle ( Tulving & Thomson, 1973 ) and the distinction between episodic and semantic knowledge to test predictions about the effects of processing goals and retrieval cues on memory for emotional and neutral TV commercials. Subjects viewed five emotional and five neutral ads embedded in programming. Encoding instructions asked subjects to either (a) evaluate each product or (b) “just watch” as they viewed the ads. Retrieval cues were either the opening scene of each ad (executional cue) or the product category (categorical cue). Both recall and response-time measures were used to index ad memory-trace accessibility. The results showed that when encoding and retrieval conditions were compatible (evaluation instructions with categorical cue, and just-watch instructions with executional cue) ad memory traces were retrieved more rapidly than when encoding and retrieval conditions were incompatible. In addition, subjects who “just watched” emotional ads were able to retrieve those ad memory traces more rapidly when given an executional cue compared to a categorical cue, whereas subjects who evaluated neutral ads at encoding recalled more ads, and retrieved them more rapidly, when given a categorical cue compared to an executional cue. Finally, we show that searching memory first with an executional cue and then with a product-category cue leads to an increase in ad recall for both emotional and neutral ads, whereas searching first with a categorical cue and then with an executional cue leads to a decrease in ad recall for neutral ads.     

Vocal congruence in mother-infant play

Turn-taking is the fundamental temporal structure of adult dialogue. This structure defines two types of joint silence: intrapersonal pause (silence bounded by the vocalizations of a single speaker) and switching pause (silence bounded by the vocalizations of different speakers). Switching pauses mark the boundaries of the turn exchange. In adult conversation the mean durations of both types of pause are characteristically matched between partners. This matching, termed vocal congruence, occurs developmentally earlier in the case of switching pauses. We hypothesized and confirmed that mothers and infants match switching pauses but not intrapersonal pauses at 4 months, even though the infants' vocalizations are prelinguistic. Second, since there are known affective correlates of vocal congruence in adult conversation, we hypothesized a similar affective correlate for mother-infant vocal congruence. We found, for the intrapersonal pause only, that the degree of matching within a dyad correlated with infant affective engagement. We conclude, from switching pause congruence, that a turntaking dialogic structure is being regulated in the mother-infant pair at 4 months in the same way as seen in adult conversation. Thus, both the temporal structure of adult dialogue and its affective correlate are prelinguistic.Supported in part by NIMH grant No. 41675.     

Acoustic differences, listener expectations, and the perceptual accommodation of talker variability

Two talkers' productions of the same phoneme may be quite different acoustically, whereas their productions of different speech sounds may be virtually identical. Despite this lack of invariance in the relationship between the speech signal and linguistic categories, listeners experience phonetic constancy across a wide range of talkers, speaking styles, linguistic contexts, and acoustic environments. The authors present evidence that perceptual sensitivity to talker variability involves an active cognitive mechanism: Listeners expecting to hear 2 different talkers differing only slightly in average pitch showed performance costs typical of adjusting to talker variability, whereas listeners hearing the same materials but expecting a single talker or given no special instructions did not show these performance costs. The authors discuss the implications for understanding phonetic constancy despite variability between talkers (and other sources of variability) and for theories of speech perception. The results provide further evidence for active, controlled processing in real-time speech perception and are consistent with a model of talker normalization that involves contextual tuning.     

Processing interaction between two dimensions of nonphonetic auditory signals.

In 1974 Wood proposed a hybrid serial-parallel model to account for the within-stimulus interactions between the acoustic cue of "pitch" and the phonetic cure of "place." Three of the five experiments in this paper replicate the Wood findings with analogous, clearly nonphonetic stimuli and thus refute Wood's implicit assumption of the involvement of any uniquely phonetic processes as factors in his results. The experiments in this paper demonstrate that the patterns of interaction found by Wood are independent of the experience of the subjects, the order of cue presentation, and whether the cues are presented simultaneously or sequentially. We conclude that the given patterns of interaction are general characteristics of the auditory system. These characteristics probably are not related to backward or forward "recognition" masking but may be a function of several other general factors.     

Tracking the time course of phonetic cue integration during spoken word recognition

Speech perception requires listeners to integrate multiple cues that each contribute to judgments about a phonetic category. Classic studies of trading relations assessed the weights attached to each cue but did not explore the time course of cue integration. Here, we provide the first direct evidence that asynchronous cues to voicing (/b/ vs. /p/) and manner (/b/ vs. /w/) contrasts become available to the listener at different times during spoken word recognition. Using the visual world paradigm, we show that the probability of eye movements to pictures of target and of competitor objects diverge at different points in time after the onset of the target word. These points of divergence correspond to the availability of early (voice onset time or formant transition slope) and late (vowel length) cues to voicing and manner contrasts. These results support a model of cue integration in which phonetic cues are used for lexical access as soon as they are available.     

Hierarchical coding in speech timing

The analysis of syllable and pause durations in speech production can provide information about the properties of a speaker's grammatical code. The present study was conducted to reveal aspects of this code by analyzing syllable and pause durations in structurally ambiguous sentences. In Experiments 1–6, acoustical measurements were made for a key syllabic segment and a following pause for 10 or more speakers. Each of six structural ambiguities, previously unrelated, involved a grammatical relation between the constituent following the pause and one of two possible constituents preceding the pause. The results showed lengthening of the syllabic segments and pauses for the reading in which the constituent following the pause was hierarchically dominated by the higher of the two possible preceding constituents in a syntactic representation. The effects were also observed, to a lesser extent, when the structurally ambiguous sentences were embedded in disambiguating paragraph contexts (Experiment 7). The results show that a single hierarchical principle can provide a unified account of speech timing effects for a number of otherwise unrelated ambiguities. This principle is superior to a linear alternative and provides specific inferences about hierarchical relations among syntactic constituents in speech coding.     

Effect of sentence length on the production of linguistic stress by left- and right-hemisphere-damaged patients

An acoustical/perceptual study of phonemic stress (e.g., HOTdog vs. hot DOG) was conducted to evaluate the effect of sentence length on stress production after brain damage. Productions of phonemic stress pairs were elicited in sentence contexts of increasing length from eight left-hemisphere-damaged nonfluent (LHD-NFL), fluent LHD-FL), right-hemisphere-damaged (RHD), and normal speakers (n = 32). Tape recordings of subjects' productions were presented to na?ve listeners for perceptual identification of stress placement. Acoustic analysis focused on fundamental frequency, duration, and intensity of the initial and final syllables as well as pause duration between syllables. Perceptual tests indicated that regardless of sentence length, all brain-damaged groups exhibited an impairment in the production of linguistic stress when compared to normals. The LHD-NFL group experienced the greatest difficulty in signaling stress contrasts, followed in order by the LHD-FL and RHD groups. In medium-length sentences, the LHD-FL group's performance was degraded by comparison to short-length sentences. Acoustic analysis showed that pause duration was the strongest predictor of phonemic stress for all groups. Acoustic profiles of the RHD group were similar qualitatively to those of normals, but differed quantitatively in terms of magnitude of effect associated with shifts in stress patterns. Findings are brought to bear on the nature of the stress production deficit after unilateral brain damage, the role of the right hemisphere in linguistic prosody, and the concept of "subtle phonetic deficit" in fluent aphasia.     

The effect of reinforcement magnitude upon responding under fixed-ratio schedules

Responding under fixed-ratio schedules was studied as a function of two durations of food presentation. Latency of the first response after food presentation (post-reinforcement pause) was consistently shorter when food was presented for the longer duration. Only one of the four pigeons studied showed a consistently higher response rate, exclusive of post-reinforcement pause, as a function of the longer access to food. When ratio size was reduced, pause durations decreased, and the differences related to the two durations of food presentations became progressively smaller.     

Pure timing in temporal differentiation

Temporal control appears to depend on whether the critical durations are those of stimuli or those of responses. Stimulus timing (temporal discrimination) supports Weber's law, whereas response timing (temporal differentiation) indicates decreasing relative sensitivity with longer time intervals. The two types of procedure also yield different conclusions in scaling experiments designed to study the functional midpoint of two or more durations (temporal bisection procedures). In addition, the fractional-exponent power relation between emitted and required duration usually found with animals in differentiation experiments conflicts with deductions from formal analyses. The experiment reported here derived from considering differentiation arrangements as schedules of reinforcement. When analyzed from this perspective, the procedures are tandem schedules involving a required pause followed by a response, and it is the pause alone that involves temporal control. A choice procedure separated timing from responding, and enabled observations of pause timing in isolation. Pure temporal control in differentiation consisted of linear overestimation of the standard duration, and Weber's law described sensitivity. These results indicate that the two problems, the fractional-exponent power relations and the apparently different nature of sensitivity in differentiation and discrimination, disappear when temporal control is observed alone in differentiation.     

Perceptual equivalence of two acoustic cues for stop-consonant manner

The first experiment examined the effects of orthogonal variation in two acoustic cues that are both produced by the articulation of a stop consonant. One component of the articulation produces a temporal cue, the other a spectral cue. In a phonetic identification task, these quite different cues were found to engage in a trading relation: One cue could, within limits, substitute for the other. In a second experiment, the perceptual equivalence implied by that trading relation was put to a stricter test. If the cues are truly equivalent in perception, then they should have their effects on the same perceptual dimension. That being so, it should be possible to combine them in such a way that, working at cross purposes in the perceptual domain, they effectively cancel each other. Pairs of patterns so produced should, then, be harder to discriminate than pairs produced by either cue alone, and still harder than those produced when the (same) two cues are combined in the opposite way and so cooperate. That expectation was confirmed. We suggest that the equivalence thus demonstrated comes about because the two cues are processed by a system specialized to take account of their common origin in speech production. So interpreted, the equivalence may be viewed as an instance of distinctively phonetic perception.