Lexical tones in Thai after unilateral brain damage.

An acoustic perceptual investigation of the five lexical tones of Thai was conducted to evaluate the nature of tonal disruption in patients with unilateral lesions in the left and right hemisphere. Subjects (n = 48) included 10 young normal adults, 10 old normal adults, 11 right hemisphere nonaphasics, 9 left hemisphere fluent aphasics, and 8 left hemisphere nonfluent aphasics. The five Thai tones (mid, low, falling, high, rising) were produced in isolated monosyllables, presented for tonal identification judgments, and measured for fundamental frequency (Fo) and duration. Results of an analysis of variance indicated that left hemisphere nonfluent speakers signaled and tonal contrasts at a lower level of proficiency. The extent of their impairment varied depending on severity level of aphasia. When compared to normal speakers, tonal identification for less severe nonfluent aphasics differed more in degree than in kind, and for more severe nonfluent aphasics differed both in kind and in degree. Acoustic analysis revealed that with the exception of one left nonfluent, average Fo contours were comparable in shape across speaker groups. Variability in Fo production, however, was greater in left nonfluent speakers than in any of the other four groups of speakers. Issues are discussed regarding the extent and nature of tonal disruption in aphasia and hemispheric specialization for tone production.     

Anticipatory Coarticulation in Aphasia: Effects of Utterance Complexity

The magnitude and extent of anticipatory coarticulation were examined in groups of fluent and nonfluent aphasic patients and normal control subjects. One- and two-syllable target utterances were elicited at slow and fast rates of speech with or without a consonant intervening between the target consonant and vowel, and with or without a preceding schwa, to manipulate utterance complexity. Acoustic analyses (F2 and centroid frequencies) revealed that both groups of aphasic patients exhibited relatively normal patterns of anticipatory coarticulation. However, small but significant differences among the groups emerged in certain conditions. Surprisingly, increased utterance complexity was not found to reduce coarticulatory effects to a greater degree in the nonfluent relative to the fluent aphasic group. Perceptual tests largely confirmed the acoustic analyses.     

An Acoustic Analysis of Rate of Speech Effects on Vowel Production in Aphasia

The present investigation examined the production of tense and lax vowel duration differences at two speaking rates in the speech of 10 nonfluent aphasics, 8 fluent aphasics, and 10 normal control subjects. Subjects produced four repetitions of each of the vowels [i e æ o u I ε υ Λ] at each speaking rate. Acoustic analyses revealed that subjects in all three groups were able to manipulate overall rate of speech. In addition, normal controls and fluent aphasic subjects produced vowels under the fast rate condition which were significantly shorter than those under the slow rate condition. Despite a change in overall speaking rate, the nonfluent aphasics did not exhibit a significant difference in vowel duration at the two rates of speech, suggesting a deficit in the implementation of this temporal parameter. Both normal controls and fluent aphasic patients produced nonoverlapping distributions of tense and lax vowels at both speaking rates. In contrast, the nonfluent aphasics demonstrated a great deal of overlap in the distribution of tense and lax vowel durations at the fast rate. Results are discussed in relation to the nature of the speech production deficits in nonfluent and fluent aphasic patients.     

Confrontation naming impairment in dementia

In tone languages pitch variations (tones) serve to distinguish the lexical meanings of words. This study was conducted to examine the extent and nature of impairment in the perception of tones by aphasic patients who were monolingual speakers of Thai, a tone language which has five contrastive tones (mid, low, falling, high, rising). Six subjects participated in the study: two Broca aphasics, one transcortical motor aphasic, one conduction aphasic, one right brain-damaged nonaphasic, and one normal control. Three sets of stimuli (two real-speech, one synthetic-speech) were presented for identification, each set containing five Thai words minimally distinguished by tone. Results of the perception tests indicated that the performance of all four left brain-damaged aphasics differed significantly from that of the normal control, while the performance of the right brain-damaged nonaphasic did not. The normal performance of the right brain-damaged nonaphasic patient on this tone identification task suggests that deficits in the perception of tone exhibited by left brain-damaged patients can be attributed specifically to pathology in the language dominant hemisphere rather than to a general brain-damage effect. No difference in performance among the left brain-damaged patients could be attributed to a specific type of aphasic syndrome. The pattern of tonal confusions of the aphasics in comparison to that of normals suggests that their deficit is primarily quantitative rather than qualitative. Although two (mid, low) of the five tones accounted for a large percentage of the aphasics' errors, no uniform rank order of tones in terms of identifiability could be established across aphasic subjects, which suggests that their deficit is general to all five tones rather than selective to individual tones.     

The neurological substrates for prosodic aspects of speech

The ability to comprehend and produce the stress contrast between noun compounds and noun phrases (e.g., greenhouse vs. green house) was examined for 8 nonfluent aphasics, 7 fluent aphasics, 7 right hemisphere damaged (RHD) patients, and 22 normal controls. The aphasics performed worse than normal controls on the comprehension task, and the RHD group performed as well as normals. The ability to produce stress contrasts was tested with a sentence-reading task; acoustic measurements revealed that no nonfluent aphasic used pitch to distinguish noun compounds from phrases, but two used duration. All but one of the RHD patients and all but one of the normals produced pitch and/or duration cues. These results suggest that linguistic prosody is processed by the left hemisphere and that with brain damage the ability to produce pitch and duration cues may be dissociated at the lexical level.     

Perception and production of tone in aphasia

An acoustical and perceptual study of lexical tone was conducted to evaluate the extent and nature of tonal disruption in aphasia. The language under investigation was Thai, a tone language which has five lexical tones--mid, low, falling, high, and rising. Subjects included six left brain-damaged aphasics (two Broca's, one transcortical motor, one global, one conduction, one Wernicke), one right brain-damaged nonaphasic, one cerebellar dysarthric, and five normals. High-quality tape recordings of each subject's productions of a minimal set of five, monosyllabic Thai words were presented to 10 adult Thai listeners for identification. Results from the phonemic identification tests indicated that tone production is relatively spared in aphasic patients with unilateral left hemisphere lesions. The performance of the global aphasic, however, was considerably below normal. Patterns of tonal confusions further revealed that the performance of all aphasics, except the global, differed from that of normal speakers primarily in degree rather than in kind. Tonal contrasts were signaled at a high level of proficiency by the right brain-damaged and dysarthric patients. Acoustical analysis revealed that F0 contours associated with the five tones for all aphasics, except the global, were similar in overall shape as well as position in the tone space to those of normals. F0 contours for the right brain-damaged patient and the dysarthric also generally agreed with those of normals in terms of shape and position. F0 ranges of both aphasic and nonaphasic brain-damaged speakers were generally larger than those of normals for all five tones. The relationship between tone and vowel duration was generally similar to that of normals for all brain-damaged speakers. A comparison of aphasics' performance on tone perception (J. Gandour & R. Dardarananda, 1983, Brain and Language, 18, 94-114) and tone production indicated that, for the normal and right brain-damaged subjects, performance on the perception task was higher than on production, whereas the opposite was true for the aphasics. These data are brought to bear on issues related to tone production in aphasia, consonant and vowel production in aphasia, hemispheric specialization for tone production, intonation production in aphasia, relationship between speech perception and speech production, and tone production in dysarthria with cerebellar disease.     

The conceptual structure of aphasic and schizophrenic patients in a nonverbal sorting task

Hierarchical and overlapping cluster methods were applied to the sortings of aphasic, nonaphasic brain-damaged, schizophrenic, and normal subjects presented with 30 pictures of animals. The hierarchical structure solutions were most diffuse for the groups of the schizophrenics and the fluent aphasics. The structure for the nonfluent aphasics showed more clarity, but was also deviant from the structures of the normals and the brain-damaged without aphasia. Fluent aphasics but not nonfluent aphasics tended to sort pictures which they could not name into smaller groups. For the nonfluent aphasics, there was a significant correlation between the commonality of the sortings and the severity of aphasic disturbances as measured by the Token Test. The relationship between conceptual disorganization and language impairment seems to be functionally different for fluent and nonfluent aphasics.This research was supported by a research grant from the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft.     

Compensation for Jaw Fixation by Aphasic Patients

The ability to compensate for fixation of the jaw by a bite block was investigated in 6 nonfluent aphasics, 6 fluent aphasics, and 10 normal control subjects. Acoustic analyses of the vowels [i u a æ] and fricatives [s s] revealed substantial but incomplete compensation for the perturbation in all three subject groups. Perceptual identification scores and quality ratings by naive and phonetically trained listeners indicated poorer identification of the high vowels [i u] under compensatory conditions relative to normal production. Of particular interest was the fact that all three groups of subjects exhibited similar patterns of results. The findings suggest that any deficit in speech motor programming demonstrated by the nonfluent aphasic patients did not affect compensatory abilities. Results are discussed with respect to normal speech adaptation skills and the nature of articulatory breakdown in nonfluent aphasia.     

The semantic organization and classification of fourteen words by aphasic patients

The purpose of this study was to assess both conceptual knowledge and classification skills in nonfluent and fluent aphasia by focusing on the aphasics' appreciation of class and function relations. The results illustrated that fluent and nonfluent aphasics appreciated both class and function relations. However, further study revealed that even though the fluent aphasic may know the function of an item, he is impaired in his ability to use this information. The nonfluent aphasics also illustrated this tendency not to use their knowledge about function, but to a lesser extent and without the consistency found in the performance of fluent aphasics.     

Temporal clause comprehension in fluent and nonfluent aphasics

Ten fluent and ten nonfluent aphasics participated in this study. Their ability to comprehend before and after clauses which mirrored the order of occurrence and those which did not mirror the order of events was investigated. Results indicate that type of aphasia was not a significant variable related to comprehension but that sentence type was a significant variable. Aphasics' comprehendbefore clauses better thanafter clauses. Nonfluent aphasics were able to comprehend those temporal clauses that mirror the order of occurrence better than those that do not. Order of mention was not a significant factor related to comprehension in the fluent group.     

Comparison of the performances of a fluent and a nonfluent aphasic on a pantomimic referential task

The pantomimic performances of a typical Broca's (nonfluent) and Wernicke's (fluent) aphasic were compared with each other and with four normal control subjects on a simple task of nonverbal referential communication. Both aphasic subjects demonstrated only about 50% accuracy in their pantomimic communication. Also, measures were obtained of the motoric fluency of the pantomimes of all subjects and comparisons were made between the fluent and nonfluent aphasics. These measures demonstrated distinct differences in the fluency patterns of the pantomimes of the two aphasic subjects similar to the differences in speech fluency which distinguish and characterize these two types of aphasia; that is, the fluent aphasic pantomimed fluently and like the control subjects and the nonfluent aphasic pantomimed nonfluently. The quantitative and qualitative similarities in the fluency patterns of the speech and the pantomimic behaviors of the aphasic subjects are discussed in terms of their implications for a definition of aphasia.     

Semantic classification in aphasia: A study of basic, superordinate, and function relations

Nonfluent and fluent aphasics were given classification tasks that required the aphasics to identify three kinds of relations: same basic level category, same superordinate level category, and same function. The subjects received the items in word and picture form. In addition the aphasics were required to name the items they were asked to classify. The results showed that the ability to classify is more disrupted in fluent aphasia than in nonfluent aphasia. Within fluent aphasia, the degree to which classification is disrupted is dependent upon the type of relation being tested. While the overall performance of the fluent aphasics was depressed in comparison to nonfluent aphasics, it was significantly more depressed on function relations. The ability to name an item had a significant effect on the ability to classify only for basic level items.     

Dichotic listening in the recovery of aphasia after stroke

Three different dichotic listening tests were given to a group of aphasic patients at various stages of the recovery process. Results were different for each test and in the course of time fluent aphasics demonstrated a tendency to increase right ear preference while nonfluent aphasics showed an increase of left ear preference in the test of dichotic words. The importance of these findings to the understanding of recovery of function is discussed in terms of the role played by the right hemisphere.     

Prosodic disturbance in aphasia: Vowel length in Thai

The aim of this study is to determine to what extent a phonologically contrastive function of the prosodic feature of length is resistant to impairment in aphasia. The language chosen for investigation is Thai, a language which contrasts short and long vowels. Subjects included two Broca aphasics, one transcortical motor aphasic, one Wernicke aphasic, one conduction aphasic, one nonaphasic right-brain-damaged patient, one nonaphasic cerebellar dysarthric patient, and five normal controls. The subjects read a list of words containing short and long vowels. Vowel durations were measured from spectrograms. The results showed that the timing of vowel duration for signaling the contrast between short and long vowels remains relatively intact in nonfluent as well as fluent aphasic patients. These data are brought to bear on issues concerning the specialization of the left hemisphere for temporal processing, the contribution of the right hemisphere to the processing of nonaffective components of prosody, the nature of prosodic disturbance in Broca's aphasia and cerebellar dysarthria, and the separate disruption of prosodic features.     

Anatomoclinical correlations of the aphasias as defined through computerized tomography: Exceptions

We have studied the frequency of exceptions to classical aphasia localizations in right-handed, literate, adult, native speakers of Italian with focal vascular left-hemisphere lesions, correlating clinical and computerized tomography data. Two hundred sixty-seven subjects were given computerized tomography (CT) examinations; lesions were mapped onto lateral diagrams and the sites of the lesions were defined. Patients were then classified as nonfluent aphasics, fluent aphasics, and nonaphasics. Patients with negative CT scans (n = 10) or only "deep" lesions (n = 50) were not studied for anatomoclinical correlations. Of the remaining 207 patients, 36 presented unexpected findings. There were seven cases of fluent aphasia and "anterior" CT lesions and six cases with nonfluent aphasia and "posterior" CT lesions among them. The significance of these findings is discussed.     

Voice onset time in aphasia: Thai II. Production

The aim of this study was to investigate voice onset time (VOT) production in homorganic word-initial stops in Thai in order to explore the nature of speech production deficits across clinical varieties of aphasia. Thai exhibits a three-category distinction in bilabial (/b,p,ph/) and alveolar (/d,t,t,h/) stops, and a two-category distinction in velar (/k,kh/) stops. Subjects included three Broca asphasics, one transcortical motor asphasic, two global asphasics, one conduction aphasic, one Wernicke aphasic, one nonaphasic dysarthric patient, one right-brain-damaged patient, and five normal controls. Test stimuli consisted of eight monosyllabic real words. The results of VOT measurements indicated that Broca and global asphasics exhibited a more severe production disorder than Wernicke, conduction, or transcortical motor asphasics. The right-brain-damaged patient showed no impairment in VOT production. Comparisons are drawn to earlier studies of VOT production in aphasia in two-category languages. Issues concerning the underlying basis of the production deficit for nonfluent aphasics, fluent aphasics, and nonaphasic dysarthrics as well as the relation between perception and production of VOT are discussed.     

Universality and specificity in infant-directed speech: Pitch modifications as a function of infant age and sex in a tonal and non-tonal language

The aim of this study was to investigate the prosodic characteristics of infant-directed speech (IDS) to boys and girls in a tonal (Thai) and non-tonal (Australian English) language. Speech was collected from mothers speaking to infants at birth, and 3, 6, 9, and 12 months, and also to another adult. Mean-F₀, pitch range, and utterance slope-F₀ were extracted, and the integrity of the tonal information in Thai investigated. The age trends across the two languages differed for each of these measures but Australian English IDS was generally more exaggerated than Thai IDS. With respect to sex differences, Australian English mothers used higher mean-F₀, pitch range, and more rising utterances for girls than boys, but Thai mothers used more subdued mean-F₀ and more falling utterances for girls than boys. Despite variations in pitch modifications by Thai and Australian English mothers, overall IDS is more exaggerated than adult-directed speech (ADS) in both languages. Furthermore, tonal information in Thai was only slightly less identifiable in Thai IDS than Thai ADS. The universal features and language-specific differences in IDS are discussed in terms of facilitating infant socialization at younger ages, and language acquisition later in infancy.     

Speech timing subsequent to brain damage: effects of utterance length and complexity

Acoustic analyses of syllable durations were conducted in order to address several hypotheses concerning deficits in the control of speech timing subsequent to focal brain damage. Groups of nonfluent and fluent aphasics, right-hemisphere-damaged patients, and normal controls produced monosyllabic root syllables in medial and final position in the context of short and long sentences and syntactically simple and complex sentences. Durations of the target syllable as a proportion of the utterance were compared across contexts and groups. Somewhat surprisingly, the results revealed relatively normal temporal patterns in all subject groups, with the main exception emerging for the nonfluent aphasic patients who failed to demonstrate normal phrase-final lengthening effects. Implications of the findings for theories of temporal control in brain-damaged patients are considered.     

Nonverbal categorization in fluent and nonfluent anomic aphasics

This study aimed to demonstrate that the naming difficulties of a particular group of aphasics, namely, fluent aphasics, are related to an underlying inability to organize feature set information. In order to test this hypothesis, the performance of fluent aphasics, nonfluent aphasics, and a nonaphasic brain-injured control group, was examined on a nonverbal categorization task, which was carefully structured in terms of instance typicality. Scores of visuoperceptual and naming tests were correlated with categorization task errors. As predicted, fluent aphasics showed a significant deficit in performance on the categorization task in comparison with other subjects. Differences in the nature of the errors the fluent aphasics made suggested that their problems were related to difficulties in abstracting the prototype for each category and in sorting category members with reference to these prototypes. For fluent aphasics, but not other subjects, a significant correlation was found between categorization task performance and naming ability.     

A bird is a bird is a bird: Making reference within and without superordinate categories

Adults with localized cerebral insult often err in their use of a word to refer to an object or an idea. It is important to assess, then, the patients' appreciation of what a word can refer to, and the way in which they may violate the borders around a referential field. Nonfluent aphasics, fluent aphasics, and nonaphasic patients with insult to the right hemisphere were asked to provide names of items which could be referred to by familiar superordinate terms like “bird.” The principal results revealed that the nonfluent aphasics are anchored to the central portions of a superordinate's referential field (naming items like “robin” and “sparrow,” for instance). While fluent aphasics often violate the borders around a referential field (e.g., providing “beaver” in response to “birds”), it was nevertheless possible to characterize some limits to their choice of a superordinate's referents. These findings were independent both of the absolute number of responses provided and the frequency of occurrence of the response. Further, the patients with insult to the left hemisphere produce few consecutive items whose referents hold attributes in common. When these clusters are produced by aphasics, they consist primarily of subordinates whose referents exhibit many overlapping features (e.g., “bald eagle, black eagle, golden eagle” in response to “bird”). The right-hemisphere-damaged subjects, in contrast, produce many clusters of related items. These consist of less central, basic object level words whose referents hold less obvious features in common (e.g., “albatross, crane, gull” in response to “bird”). Aphasics, then, may be limited in their ability to analyze referents for critical features. Taken together, these data contribute to a more precise characterization of the nonfluent aphasics' and the fluent aphasics' referential deficits, and lend support specifically to the notion that neither group of aphasics relies on definition-like features to determine what a word can refer to.