Maternal Guilt and Shame: The Role of Self-discrepancy and Fear of Negative Evaluation

Guilt and shame are emotions commonly associated with motherhood. Self-discrepancy theory proposes that guilt and shame result from perceived discrepancies between one’s actual and ideal selves. Fear of negative evaluation by others may enhance the effects of self-discrepancy especially for shame, which involves fear of others’ reproach. The purpose of this study was to examine the relationships between self discrepancy, guilt, shame, and fear of negative evaluation in a cross-sectional, self report study of mothers. Mothers of children five and under (N = 181) completed an on-line survey measuring guilt, shame, fear of negative evaluation, and maternal self-discrepancies. Guilt and shame were related to maternal self-discrepancy and fear of negative evaluation. In addition, fear of negative evaluation moderated the relationship between maternal self-discrepancy and shame such that mothers who greatly feared negative evaluation had a very strong relationship between these variables. Maternal self-discrepancy and shame were not related among mothers who had low fear of negative evaluation. The results are discussed in terms of the detrimental effects of internalizing idealized standards of perfect motherhood.     

Mastering moral misery: Emotional and coping responses to intragroup morality (vs. competence) evaluations

In social groups, individuals are often confronted with evaluations of their behaviour by other group members and are motivated to adapt their own behaviour accordingly. In two studies we examine emotional responses towards, and perceived coping abilities with, morality vs. competence evaluations individuals receive from other in-group members. In Study 1, we show that evaluations of one's immoral behaviour primarily induce guilt, whereas evaluations of incompetent behaviour raise anger. In Study 2, we elaborate on the psychological process associated with these emotional responses, and demonstrate that evaluations of immorality, compared to incompetence, diminish group members’ perceived coping abilities, which in turn intensifies feelings of guilt. However, when anticipating an opportunity to restore one's self-image as a moral group member, perceived coping abilities are increased and the experience of guilt is alleviated. Together these studies demonstrate how group members can overcome their moral misery when restoring their self-image.     

Guilt and self-concept in ‘secondary psychopaths’

Thirty-two male and 25 female ‘secondary psychopaths’ and 24 male and 24 female ‘normal’ subjects filled in semantic differential scales relating to the concepts: Myself as I am, Myself when I lie, Myself if I were to steal, Myself as I would like to be, People who lie and People who steal. The Mosher Morality-Conscience Guilt scale and the Eysenck Personality Inventories were also administered. The psychopaths exhibited significantly higher Guilt scores than the normal subjects and had very poor self-image which was reflected in a constant feeling of guilt, regardless of whether or not they were rating transgression. Normal subjects, on the other hand, only rated themselves as feeling guilty when they violated acceptable norms. The findings suggest that guilt in ‘secondary psychopaths’ is partly related to their high level of trait anxiety and partly to their poor self-concept which may be a reflection of their disturbed family background and the constant disapproval that their behaviour creates. Since guilt in the psychopaths did not markedly increase with transgression it is argued that this may explain why guilt fails to inhibit unacceptable behaviour in some psychopaths.     

Scham und Schuld – Sein und Tun

Shame and guilt are affective experiential dimensions regulating the different forms of being and behaving in a social context. Constructive or even pathologic feelings of guilt are to be distinguished from real guilt. Shame refers to the judgment of ?So-sein” even if being often manifests itself in action. Shame is generated by the ideal ego. Guilt and feelings of guilt are dimensions of acting, real guilt requires the recognition of guilt, guilt is generated by the superego (conscience). The implications of familiar as well as extreme traumatisation for shame and feelings of guilt are discussed. The most frequent wish for a therapy nowadays that offers perspectives of changes by action can be considered as a defence against processing of the being in psychoanalytical therapy.     

The predictive strength of personal constructs versus conventional constructs: self-image disparity and neuroticism

Idiographic personal construct (PC) measures of self-image disparity were hypothesized to be stronger than nonidiographic conventional construct (CC) measures in predicting neuroticism. Ninety-six college students completed PC and CC measures of real self, ideal self, social self, and ideal social self; the NEO Five-Factor Inventory; and the Marlowe-Crowne Social Desirability Scale. Content analysis showed that individuals' PC measures were unique. The disparity between real self and ideal self and the disparity between social self and ideal social self were computed for PC and CC; test-retest reliabilities were .76 to .81. Results of simultaneous multiple regression analyses supported the hypothesis. Also, the two-variable PC self-image disparity scores were stronger than one-variable PC esteem scores in predicting neuroticism. Implications were discussed for research method, self-concept theory, personal construct theory, neuroticism, and psychotherapy.     

Dimensionality of the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale and Its Relationships With the Three-and the Five-Factor Personality Models

The interpersonal correlates of the Guilt Inventory (Kugler &; Jones, 1992), which yields scores for state guilt, trait guilt, and moral standards, were assessed. Data collection addressed three issues including the relationships among Guilt Inventory scores and measures of: (a) interpersonal emotions and traits (e.g., shyness, self-consciousness, anger, etc.); (b) the social support network; and (c) ratings of trait guilt, moral standards, and relevant adjectives by friends and family members. Results indicated that trait and state guilt scores were significantly related to various interpersonal measures, most particularly, depression, anxiety, shyness, and loneliness, but only modestly related to satisfaction with social support. Moral standards were generally unrelated to these variables. Others tended to rate participants higher on trait guilt negatively (e.g., higher on contemptuous, angry, guilty, etc.), and participants higher on moral standards in socially acceptable terms (e.g., higher on prompt, self-reliant, moral, and religious). Results are interpreted in view of the frequently cited distinction between social and nonsocial emotions.     

Shame, Guilt, Ego Development and the Five-Factor Model of Personality

Shame, guilt, and ego development are conceptually interrelated constructs, yet their empirical relations have not yet been examined. Further, these constructs have not yet been mapped onto the widely used Five-Factor Model. In Study 1, relations were examined between these three domains within a sample of Australian university students. Two types of guilt were distinguished, Empathic Guilt (associated with Agreeableness) and Anxious Guilt (associated with Neuroticism). The relationship between Shame and Ego Level was found to be curvilinear, with Shame greatest for persons at intermediate stages of ego development. In Study 2, relations between ego development and the Five-Factor Model were further examined. Across both studies, Ego Level was best predicted from Conscientiousness among men and from Openness among women. Relations between Ego Level, proneness to shame and guilt, and the five factors were typically modest, suggesting that these represent complementary approaches to the study of personality.     

Interpersonal correlates of the guilt inventory

The interpersonal correlates of the Guilt Inventory (Kugler & Jones, 1992), which yields scores for state guilt, trait guilt, and moral standards, were assessed. Data collection addressed three issues including the relationships among Guilt Inventory scores and measures of: (a) interpersonal emotions and traits (e.g., shyness, self-consciousness, anger, etc.); (b) the social support network; and (c) ratings of trait guilt, moral standards, and relevant adjectives by friends and family members. Results indicated that trait and state guilt scores were significantly related to various interpersonal measures, most particularly, depression, anxiety, shyness, and loneliness, but only modestly related to satisfaction with social support. Moral standards were generally unrelated to these variables. Others tended to rate participants higher on trait guilt negatively (e.g., higher on contemptuous, angry, guilty, etc.), and participants higher on moral standards in socially acceptable terms (e.g., higher on prompt, self-reliant, moral, and religious). Results are interpreted in view of the frequently cited distinction between social and nonsocial emotions.     

Forgive them for I have sinned: The relationship between guilt and forgiveness of others' transgressions

We propose that guilt leads to forgiveness of others' transgressions. In Study 1, people prone to experience guilt (but not shame) were also prone to forgive others for past misdeeds. In Study 2, we manipulated harm‐ and inequity‐based guilt; both increased forgiveness of others' transgressions. Further, the effect of guilt on forgiveness was mediated by identification with the transgressor. In Study 3, we replicated the guilt–forgiveness relationship and examined three other plausible mediators: capability for similar wrongdoing, empathic understanding, and general identification; only identification with the transgressor satisfied the criteria for mediation. In Study 4, we induced guilt by asking participants to harm a friend or stranger. Guilt induced by harming a friend led to greater forgiveness of third‐party transgressors, and again, identification with the transgressor mediated the effect. We discuss the implications of these results for understanding how the prosocial effects of guilt extend beyond the boundaries of a single interpersonal relationship.     

Trauma Informed Guilt Reduction Therapy With Combat Veterans

Guilt related to combat trauma is highly prevalent among veterans returning from Iraq and Afghanistan. Trauma-related guilt has been associated with increased risk for posttraumatic psychopathology and poorer response to treatment. Trauma Informed Guilt Reduction (TrIGR) therapy is a 4-module cognitive-behavioral psychotherapy designed to reduce guilt related to combat trauma. The goals of this study were to describe the key elements of TrIGR and report results of a pilot study with 10 recently deployed combat veterans.Ten combat veterans referred from a VA Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) or mental health clinic completed TrIGR over 4 to 7 sessions. Nine veterans completed the posttreatment assessment.This initial pilot suggests that TrIGR may help to reduce trauma-related guilt severity and associated distress. Changes in trauma-related guilt were highly correlated with reductions in PTSD and depression symptoms over the course of treatment, suggesting a possible mechanistic link with severity of posttraumatic psychopathology.TrIGR warrants further evaluation as an intervention for reducing guilt related to traumatic experiences in combat.     

Real and ideal self-images in second- and fifth-grade children: Reliability,validity and factorial structure

The reliability, construct validity, and factorial structure of three self-image instruments were assesses in a total of 80 second- and fifth-grade children. Both real self-images (children's current views of themselves) and ideal self-images (the self views to which children aspire) were assessed. the split-half and test—retest reliabilities of the instruments were adequate even for children's as young as second graders. Stronger evidence of construct validity was found for the older children, although the intercorrelation patterns for both age groups were characterized by larger correlations between assessments of real and ideal self-images using the same instrument than between assessments of the same component of the self-image across the three instruments. Contrary to predictions gener ated by developmental theory, the factor analyses provided non evidence of increasing differentiation of the self-image with age. They did, however, reveal that second and fifth graders distinguish distinctly different functional domains within their self-images.     

Adaptive elements of aging: Self-image discrepancy, perfectionism, and eating problems

Age-related changes in personality variables that may contribute to the reduction of symptoms of eating disorders with adult development were examined. Undergraduate sorority women (n = 52; mean age = 19.85 years) were compared with alumnae of the same sorority (n = 34; mean age = 33.74 years). Eating pathology was correlated with greater discrepancy between the real (current) and the ideal (desired) self-image and with perfectionism. Both self-image discrepancy and perfectionism were markedly lower among the alumnae. Variance in these variables together accounted for the lowered level of eating pathology among the older participants. Specific content domains of the real and ideal self-image and different facets of perfectionism showed distinctive age-related changes and differential relationships with eating pathology.     

The Impact of Race,Racial Attitude,and Gender on Reactions to the Criminal Trial of O. J. Simpson1

Opinions about the criminal trial of O. J. Simpson, as well as general racial attitude, were assessed in different samples of African Americans and Whites in three studies: during jury selection (Study 1), after closing arguments (Study 2), and after the jury verdict was reached (Study 3). We assessed the effects of respondent race, gender, and general racial attitude on case opinion factors and guilt judgments at each point in time. Race was strongly related to case opinions and guilt judgments in all three studies. Racial attitude related significantly to guilt judgments only in Study 1 for Blacks and in Study 3 for Whites. Guilt judgments of Whites were more strongly predicted by the case opinion factors than were those of African Americans. General racial attitudes and opinions about the criminal justice system were more positive for Blacks in Studies 2 and 3, while they did not differ across studies for Whites. A hindsight bias was found for Whites but not for African Americans. Race had a more powerful impact than did gender. Across-study comparison suggested that very few respondents changed their views appreciably over the year-long trial.     

Parental blaming and acquisition of guilt: A developmental task of childhood

Incidents involving the authors' twin 10-year-old daughters illustrate that guilt is well established in normal children of 10. The incidents suggest how the expectation of parental blaming triggers guilt and shame. Guilt and shame are compared. While they may coexist in the 10-year-old, guilt clearly is assuming a dominant position. Mental health professionals have emphasized the psychopathology of guilt and many forget that it is essential for normal socialization in that the guilty person feels a need to repair damage allegedly done. Guilt presumes that at least a primitive mutuality has been established in the person; and mutuality is the hallmark of human maturity. Terms are defined here with some variation from their usage by mental health experts: shame, guilt, blame, and counterblame.     

Empathy, Shame, Guilt, and Narratives of Interpersonal Conflicts: Guilt-Prone People Are Better at Perspective Taking

Both guilt and empathic perspective taking have been linked to prosocial, relationship-enhancing effects. Study 1 found that shame was linked to personal distress, whereas guilt was linked to perspective taking. In Studies 2 and 3, subjects were asked to describe a recent experience of interpersonal conflict, once from their own perspective, and once from the perspective of the other person. Guilt-prone people and guilt-dominated stories were linked to better perspective taking (measured by changes between the two versions of the story) than others. Shame had no effect. Guilt improved relationship outcomes but shame harmed them. Path analysis suggested that trait guilt-proneness leads to perspective taking, which leads to actual guilt feelings, which produces beneficial relationship outcomes. Guilt feelings may mediate the relationship-enhancing effects of empathy.     

9-11岁儿童对社会性害怕和内疚情绪的理解

社会性害怕和内疚都属于个体体验到的消极情绪,但这两种消极情绪对个体而言都有积极的社会意义,本研究采用临床访谈的方法,以9岁和11岁儿童为被试,探讨他们对内疚与社会性害怕这两种情绪的理解能力,结果发现,(1)随年龄的增长,9-11岁儿童对内疚情绪的理解能力不断提高,但儿童到了11岁仍然不能很好地理解内疚的第二、第三层次。(2)相对于模糊故事,在内疚故事中,儿童表现出更高的对内疚三个层次的理解。(3)两个年龄组的儿童都能很好地理解社会性害怕情绪。因而本研究认为,儿童对社会性害怕情绪的理解明显好于对内疚情绪的理解,且儿童对内疚的理解可能建立在对社会性害怕理解的基础上。     

Self-appraisal, life satisfaction, and retrospective life choices across one and three decades.

This research investigated the relationship of a self-appraisal of having lived up to one's intellectual abilities at midlife (average age of 49 years) with life satisfaction and retrospective life choices 1 and 3 decades later among 383 participants in the Terman Study of the Gifted. Study 1 showed that participants who reported living up to their intellectual abilities were higher in satisfaction with occupational success, satisfaction with family life, and joy in living 11 years later. Study 2 showed that participants who reported living up to their abilities were higher in overall life satisfaction and were less likely to report that they would make different life choices in work or family life 3 decades later. In an integrative structural equation model, the relation between the midlife self-appraisal of having lived up to intellectual abilities and overall satisfaction at age 80 was mediated by life satisfaction discrepancy at age 61.     

Family Gender Role and Guilt in Spanish Dual-Earner Families

In dual-earner families the balance between work and family demands facilitates the development of guilt feelings when parents perceive a non-fulfillment of their responsibilities in childcare. Specifically, women who aspire to personal and professional development on the basis of more egalitarian gender role models must deal with the traditional stereotypes that maintain an intensive maternity mandate that prioritizes the family. On the other hand, for men the role change is primarily in the family setting with the development of a new father role more involved in the care of their children, which is not easily compatible with the more traditional breadwinner role. This study explored the feelings of guilt about parenting in 251 employed Spanish parents with children between 3 and 6 years of age, through the Scale of Guilt Feelings about Parenting, and its relationship with traditional stereotypes of maternal and family role. The scale addresses diverse situations pertaining to child rearing in which work requirements do not allow parents full availability for the care of their children. This availability is present in the model of intensive maternity and in the new father role model. Results indicate the presence of similar and high levels of guilt in fathers and mothers, although in men guilt is related to a non-traditional family role ideology, whereas in women guilt is related to a more traditional maternal role stereotype.     

The Mosher Guilt Scales: a construct validity extension

The three subscales of the Mosher Guilt Scales (sex guilt, hostility guilt, and morality conscience guilt) and several personality and attitude measures were ad ministered to college subjects in an effort to examine the construct validity of the Mosher Guilt Scales. The variables that were compared with the guilt subscales were hostility, anxiety, religious orthodoxy, self-esteem, and the importance of religious and economic values in one's life. The results indicated that both the construct validity of the Mosher Guilt Scales and the need for the continued use of its three subscales were supported. Among the most crucial findings of the study were that both of the religiosity measures were positively correlated with all three guilt subscales, and that economic values were negatively correlated with both sex guilt and morality-conscience guilt.