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1.
Recent work suggests that collective narcissism—an exaggerated, unrealistic belief in an ingroup's greatness that demands constant external validation—is a strong predictor of a variety of political attitudes. In the present study, we use nationally representative panel data from Poland to examine the relationship between national collective narcissism and nationalism, a belief that the national ingroup is superior and should dominate other nations. We first demonstrate that national collective narcissism, nationalism, and mere satisfaction with national ingroup are distinct. In turn, in both cross-sectional and panel analyses, we find that (1) national collective narcissism is positively related to nationalism, whereas satisfaction with the national ingroup is not; and (2) national collective narcissism is a stronger predictor of nationalism than national ingroup satisfaction is in absolute terms. Our analyses thus provide evidence that nationalism may be rooted in narcissistic exaggeration of the greatness of the national ingroup rather than nonnarcissistic national ingroup satisfaction. 相似文献
2.
Susan Condor 《Journal of community & applied social psychology》2008,18(4):369-374
In this commentary I point to some inherent tensions within the article Dissolving the Diaspora. First, I suggest that the author may be in danger of underestimating the extent to which the values of the multiculturalism promoted in the article rely upon an acceptance of the incorrigible stats of culturally‐specific ideologies of liberalism. Second, I point to the way in which the author adopts a banal nationalist frame of reference whereby constructs such as ‘society’ and ‘polity’ and understood to be conterminous with ‘nation‐state’. I suggest that, in this respect, the author may be in danger of overlooking the ways in which the same liberal values which under pin an advocacy of multiculturalism might also be associated with utopian visions of transnational or cosmopolitan forms of solidarity and polity. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
3.
Asier H. Aguirresarobe 《Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism》2023,23(1):2-15
For all their interest as social phenomena, nations and nationalism have proven to be difficult terms to define, which has resulted in a lack of consensus among scholars working on these subjects. In this paper, it is my intention to expose the deep chasm that engulfs our present knowledge about what nations are. My method for achieving this goal comprises a critical engagement with the most popular definitions of nations and nationalism based upon a single hypothetical premise: that the Holy See of the Catholic Church, with its seat in Vatican City, is a nation-state which represents a purported Catholic nation. The results of this study suggest that current approaches to the definition of nations and nationalism – be they based on alleged objective criteria, voluntary association, political organization, communal imagination, or organizational patterns – are generally incapable of dismissing the claim of Catholics to nationhood. Despite this fact, certain elements sketched within some of these definitions might hold the key to developing more precise and usable definitions of these two concepts in the future. 相似文献
4.
National Identity in a United Germany: Nationalism or Patriotism? An Empirical Test With Representative Data 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
Nationalism and patriotism can be thought of as consequences of national identity that represent positive evaluations of one's own group but imply different social goals. This paper investigates the ways in which these concepts are related to attitudes toward minorities. The data analyzed were drawn from a representative sample of residents of the former East and West Germany who responded to items on the national identity of Germans in 1996 as part of a panel study. A model with multiple indicators was tested via a multiple-group analysis of a structural equations model followed by latent class analyses. Both East and West Germans displayed attitudinal patterns that link national identity with tolerance toward others; in both subsamples, nationalism and patriotism were respectively associated with greater intolerance and greater tolerance toward minorities. 相似文献
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Thomas Blank 《Political psychology》2003,24(2):259-288
This paper presents an integrated theoretical model of national identity, nationalism, and patriotism that takes into account some action-theoretical deliberations, the theories of authoritarianism and anomie, and the social identity approach. The model was tested empirically for citizens of the former East and West Germany with the use of a structural equations model. Most of the hypotheses were supported: Authoritarianism has a significant potential to explain national identity and nationalism. Anomie and general self-esteem are of subordinate relevance. Generally, East and West Germans identify themselves with Germany for the same reasons. However, these results suggest a more differentiated analysis of the effects of anomie and general self-esteem in explaining national identity. 相似文献
7.
Jason Cong Lin 《Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism》2023,23(2):178-194
In China, the central government enjoys paramount authority in (re)writing national history, and its interpretation is promoted through various channels to shape people's national identity. Over the past two decades, the Chinese government has promoted a nationalistic history to promote a Han-dominant Chinese identity. This nationalistic approach to Chinese history stands in contrast to China's multicultural society and the government's affirmation of multicultural aims as the core values and future goals of the nation. It was expected that the government would rethink and revise nationalistic history to recognize diverse groups and accommodate their needs in the Xi Jinping era. However, this paper shows that the current government continues to emphasize a version of national history that encourages a nationalistic sentiment and discourse. This approach to Chinese history risks strengthening xenophobic sentiments and behaviour in China, and could become coercive for Chinese people who hold different interpretations or expect a more comprehensive interpretation of national history. I argue that a critical multicultural approach can help develop a more inclusive and balanced national history and identity in China. 相似文献
8.
Religious group identification is an important but understudied social identity. The present study investigates religious group identification among adolescents of different faiths (Hindu, Muslim, Christian) living in multicultural Mauritius. It further explores how religious and national group identities come together among religious majority and minority adolescents. For three age groups (11 to 19 years, N = 2152) we examined the strength of adolescents’ religious and national group identification, the associations between these two identities, and the relationships to global self‐esteem. Across age and religious group, participants reported stronger identification with their religious group than with the nation. Identification with both categories declined with age, with the exception of Muslims, whose strong religious identification was found across adolescence. The association between religious and national identification was positive, albeit stronger for the majority group of Hindus and for early adolescents. We examined the manner in which religious and national identities come together using a direct self‐identification measure and by combining the separate continuous measures of identification. Four distinct clusters of identification (predominant religious identifiers, dual identifiers, neutrals, and separate individuals) that were differently associated with global self‐esteem were found. Dual identifiers reported the highest level of global self‐esteem. The clusters of identification did not fully correspond to the findings for the direct self‐identification measure. The results are discussed in terms of the meaning of dual identity and the positive manner in which adolescents can manage their multiple identities while taking into account the ideological framework in which those identities are played out. 相似文献
9.
This study investigated the development of national identification in children growing up in the Basque Country. The sample consisted of 246 children aged 6, 9, 12 and 15 years old who belonged to three linguistic subgroups: children who spoke only Basque with their parents in their home, children who spoke only Spanish in their home, and children who spoke both Basque and Spanish in their home. It was found that national identifications differed in the three linguistic subgroups. Furthermore, the three subgroups exhibited different evaluations of, and feelings towards, the national ingroup and a number of national outgroups. The positive and affective distinctiveness ascribed to the Basque and Spanish national groups was correlated with the strength of identification with the Basque and Spanish groups, respectively. The attitudes towards national outgroups which were exhibited by these children did not show any changes as a function of age. It is argued that the cognitive‐developmental account of the development of national attitudes is unable to explain the patterns of findings which were obtained, but that social identity theory can explain the correlation between the strength of national identification and the positive and affective distinctiveness which was ascribed to the ingroup. Copyright © 2003 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
10.
Abstract Berry's (1997) framework for acculturation research was used to explore the relationship between identity and health among Irish immigrants in England. One hundred and twelve first generation Irish immigrants completed questionnaire measures of ethnic identity, opportunities for identity expression, generalised coping style, and health behaviour. Significant, though small, positive correlations were observed between identity and health behaviour as predicted. Regression analyses and path analysis were used to present a model of the link between variables. Of particular note were the contrasting ways in which the two dimensions of identity were associated with health behaviour. Participants who positively evaluated their ethnic origins reported engaging in healthier behaviour and adopting more beneficial coping strategies when faced with day-to-day stresses and problems. Participants who reported their ethnic origin as more central to their overall identity were also more likely to adopt beneficial coping strategies. Concomitantly, however, they had fewer than desired opportunities for expressing their ethnic identity which was, in turn, associated with less beneficial coping and health behaviour. In looking for ways to tackle the well-documented health problems of both first and second generation Irish in England, the results suggest that encouragement to feel more positive about their ethnic identity might result in greater usage of behavioural approach coping and, relatedly, to improved health behaviour. 相似文献
11.
What Does It Mean to Be an American? Patriotism,Nationalism, and American Identity After 9/11 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
The period of heightened nationalism in the United States that followed the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 provided unusual conditions for investigating issues surrounding the distinction between patriotism and nationalism and the relationship between national identification and pluralistic values. In a survey of national identity and social attitudes conducted in late September 2001, two different definitions of national unity were inserted in the introduction to the questionnaire in an attempt to prime activation of different conceptualizations of nationality. Results demonstrated that the priming conditions did have an effect on the pattern of interrelationships among measures of patriotism, nationalism, and tolerance for cultural diversity. 相似文献
12.
Eerika Finell Antero Olakivi Karmela Liebkind Jari Lipsanen 《Scandinavian journal of psychology》2013,54(6):529-535
We examined how the ways of imagining one's own nation relate to the relationship between national identification and individuals’ attitudes towards immigrants. National imagination is studied through two types of national symbols representing the nation in terms of confrontation between groups (i.e., war and sports) and a unique entity (i.e., nature and traditional culture). We found that national identification was positively associated with the degree to which individuals perceived their nation through a historical war and sports, which, in turn, enhanced negative attitudes toward immigrants. Unexpectedly, the degree to which individuals perceived their nation through nature and traditional culture was positively associated with positive intergroup attitudes. The results emphasize that the degree to which individuals perceive their nation through different national symbols is an important factor for understanding intergroup relations. 相似文献
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Thom Brooks 《Journal of Global Ethics》2014,10(2):156-166
David Miller's theory of nationalism and national responsibility offers the leading alternative ‘anticosmopolitan’ theory of global justice. His theory claims that ‘nations’ may be held responsible for the benefits and harms resulting from their collective decisions. Nations may be held remedially responsible to help nations in need even where the former lack causal or moral responsibility, for example. This article critically examines Miller's position that remedial responsibilities – the responsibilities of nations to remedy others in need – can and should only be satisfied by nations. I argue that the characteristics that define and justify a particular understanding of nationalism extend to further constructions of identity, such as religious affiliation and other connections. The problem with Miller's position is that it is overly narrow by focusing solely on our national identities as the characteristic most relevant for determining remedial responsibilities. It is possible and desirable to widen our focus, enriching our understanding of global justice and remedial responsibility. Moreover, this wider perspective is an extension, and not a break from, Miller's position. Our shared identities should have significance for considerations of global justice and they can help us to develop a more robust view of anticosmopolitanism. 相似文献
15.
Nationalism and Its Explanations 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
This paper presents new terms for analyzing individuals' national attitudes and their conceptualization and operationalization, a universal psychological structure in which these concepts interconnect, and a nationalism explanatory model. Three empirical studies using anonymous self-administered surveys served to test and improve national attitude assessment and its developmental theory. These empirical studies were conducted in a well-established state (the Netherlands), a recently established state (Slovakia), and a region in which a considerable proportion of citizens are striving to develop a new independent state (the Basque Autonomous Community of Spain). 相似文献
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A core characteristic of world politics is the presence of communal conflict over ideas of national identity, inextricably bound to ideas of cultural identity. Increasingly, foreign policy decision-makers realize the importance of considering cultural factors in their calculations of how peoples will define the "self" that seeks "determination." Although a collective's culture changes over time (through interaction with others and in response to external events), scholars and policy analysts sometimes treat identities as static, monolithic, and derived from cultures that rarely change. This leads policymakers to underestimate the extent to which culture influences and can be influenced by foreign policy. This paper integrates work in political science and psychology into a content analysis–based method for examining three major ways in which culture impinges on communal conflict. The utility of the approach is demonstrated with a case study of the Northern Ireland conflict from 1984 to 1986, which shows how the rhetoric of the competing nationalist/Catholic leaders (John Hume and Gerry Adams) was the site of debate over group culture, how differences in the rhetoric reflected different cultures of the conflict, and how the conflict has been affected by the foreign policy decisions of other actors. 相似文献
18.
Catarina Kinnvall 《Political psychology》2004,25(5):741-767
The globalization of economics, politics, and human affairs has made individuals and groups more ontologically insecure and existentially uncertain. One main response to such insecurity is to seek reaffirmation of one's self identity by drawing closer to any collective that is perceived as being able to reduce insecurity and existential anxiety. The combination of religion and nationalism is a particularly powerful response ("identity-signifier") in times of rapid change and uncertain futures, and is therefore more likely than other identity constructions to arise during crises of ontological insecurity. 相似文献
19.
《The Journal of social psychology》2012,152(3):371-380
Abstract Social identity theory suggests that individuals and groups use different identity management strategies to cope with threatened identities. In October 1998, the authors developed 5 identity management strategy scales for use in the changing political context of Northern Ireland and investigated the relationship of perceptions of stability and legitimacy, as well as in-group identification, to those strategies. Participants were 209 students of the University of Ulster and the Belfast Institute. The results supported the factor structure of the identity management strategy scales. Perceptions of stability and legitimacy and in-group identification were, however, correlated with some strategies only. That finding may indicate that some identity management strategies are related to psychological constructs not covered by social identity theory. 相似文献
20.
Studies of national identity distinguish between ethnic and civic nations and have sought to identify these alternative conceptions of national identity in public opinion. The standard measurement technique is to assess the normative content of American national identity by asking survey respondents to rate the importance of particular traits for making someone a “true” American. We argue that such measures are problematic, chiefly because of the impact of nonrandom measurement error. We explore the influence of using ranking measures instead of ratings, using a survey experiment conducted on a nationally representative sample of Americans in 2008. The ranking method is superior for distinguishing between ethnic and civic conceptions of nationhood and, therefore, for predicting preferences on issues such as immigration policy. We develop a new statistical method that effectively “converts” ratings into scores that approximate rankings, resulting in the creation of more valid measures of both ethnic and civic national identities. 相似文献