Letter form as a constraint for errors in neglect dyslexia and letter position dyslexia

Does letter-form constrain errors in peripheral dyslexia? In Hebrew, 5 of the 22 letters have two different letter forms, one is used only when the letter occurs in word-final position, the other form is used in initial and middle positions. Is the information on final-forms encoded in the letter identity information and used for word identification, or is it discarded? The current research explored this question through the effect of final vs. non final letter form on the error pattern in neglect dyslexia (neglexia) and letter position dyslexia (LPD). Left word-based neglexia results in errors of omission, substitution and addition of letters in the left side of words, which in Hebrew is the end of the word. We examined whether final letter form blocks the addition of letters to the end of the word and whether omissions of letters after letters in non-final form are avoided. The predominant error type in LPD is migration of letters within words. We tested whether migrations also occur when they cause form change of either final-form letters that move to middle position or middle-form letters that move to final position. These questions were assessed in both acquired and developmental neglexia and LPD. The results indicated a strong effect of final letter-form on acquired neglexia and on acquired and developmental LPD, which almost completely prevented form-changing errors. This effect was not found in developmental neglexia, where words that end in final-form letters were actually more impaired than other words, probably because final-form letters appear only on the neglected side of the word for Hebrew-reading children with left developmental neglexia. These data show that early visuo-orthographic analysis is sensitive to final letter form and that final letter form constrains errors in peripheral dyslexia.     

Reading Ability and the Use of Context in Orthographic Information Processing

Reading ability and context use in orthographic processing during silent reading were investigated. Poor readers and reading-level matched controls were presented target words containing a letter substitution in two contrasting context conditions. The hypothesis was that presenting a word in a highly predictable context would induce readers to proceed through the text without completely processing orthographic units at lower processing levels in the hierarchy (e.g., constituent letters). This general context effect was found. Normal and poor readers did not differ in context dependency. Poor readers more often missed substitutions, regardless of context. Poor readers also processed orthographic information less accurately. Target letters located in final word position were missed most often. Substitutions located in high bigram-frequency letter clusters were more often missed, and this effect was independent of intraword location. The implications of these results for understanding poor readers' basic reading problems are discussed.     

The independence of letter identity and letter doubling in reading

The ability to read requires processing the letter identities in the word and their order, but it is by no means obvious that our long-term memory representations of words spellings consist of only these dimensions of information. The current investigation focuses on whether we process information about another dimension—letter doubling (i.e., that there is a double letter in WEED)—independently of the identity of the letter being doubled. Two experiments that use the illusory word paradigm are reported to test this question. In both experiments, participants are more likely to misperceive a target word with only singleton letters (e.g., WED) as a word with a double (e.g., WEED) when the target is presented with a distractor that contains a different double letter (e.g., WOOD) than when the distractor does not contain a double letter (e.g., WORD). This pattern of results is not predicted by existing computational models of word reading but is consistent with the hypothesis that written language separately represents letter identity and letter doubling information, as previously shown in written language production. These results support a view that the orthographic representations that underlie our ability to read are internally complex and suggest that reading and writing rely on a common level of orthographic representation.     

A study of relative-position priming with superset primes

Four lexical decision experiments are reported that use the masked priming paradigm to study the role of letter position information in orthographic processing. In Experiments 1 and 2, superset primes, formed by repetition of 1 or 2 letters of the target (e.g., jusstice-JUSTICE) or by insertion of 1 or 2 unrelated letters (e.g., juastice-JUSTICE), generated significant priming compared with unrelated primes and did not differ significantly from an identity priming condition. In Experiment 3, identity primes generated significantly faster responses than subset primes formed by removal of 2 letters from the target (e.g., jutie-JUSTICE), and subset primes generated faster responses than substitution primes formed by substitution of 2 letters of the target with unrelated letters (e.g., jumlice-JUSTICE). In Experiment 4, insertion of 3 unrelated letters continued to generate facilitation relative to unrelated primes but significantly less so than the identity prime condition. The authors discuss the implications of these results for letter-position coding schemes.     

Parafoveal letter-position coding in reading

The masked-priming lexical decision task has been the paradigm of choice for investigating how readers code for letter identity and position. Insight into the temporal integration of information between prime and target words has pointed out, among other things, that readers do not code for the absolute position of letters. This conception has spurred various accounts of the word recognition process, but the results at present do not favor one account in particular. Thus, employing a new strategy, the present study moves out of the arena of temporal- and into the arena of spatial information integration. We present two lexical decision experiments that tested how the processing of six-letter target words is influenced by simultaneously presented flanking stimuli (each stimulus was presented for 150 ms). We manipulated the orthographic relatedness between the targets and flankers, in terms of both letter identity (same/different letters based on the target’s outer/inner letters) and letter position (intact/reversed order of letters and of flankers, contiguous/noncontiguous flankers). Target processing was strongly facilitated by same-letter flankers, and this facilitatory effect was modulated by both letter/flanker order and contiguity. However, when the flankers consisted of the target’s inner-positioned letters alone, letter order no longer mattered. These findings suggest that readers may code for the relative position of letters using words’ edges as spatial points of reference. We conclude that the flanker paradigm provides a fruitful means to investigate letter-position coding in the fovea and parafovea.     

Effects of increased letter spacing on word identification and eye guidance during reading

The effect of increasing the space between the letters in words on eye movements during reading was investigated under various word-spacing conditions. Participants read sentences that included a high- or low-frequency target word, letters were displayed normally or with an additional space between adjacent letters, and one, two, or three spaces were present between each word. The spacing manipulations were found to modulate the effect of word frequency on the number and duration of fixations on target words, indicating, more specifically, that letter spacing affected actual word identification under various word-spacing conditions. In addition, whereas initial fixations landed at the preferred viewing position (i.e., to the left of a word’s center) for sentences presented normally, landing positions were nearer the beginnings of words when letter spacing was increased, and even nearer the beginnings of words when word boundary information was lacking. Findings are discussed in terms of the influence of textual spacing on eye movement control.     

Letter position dyslexia in Arabic: from form to position

This study reports the reading of 11 Arabic-speaking individuals with letter position dyslexia (LPD), and the effect of letter form on their reading errors. LPD is a peripheral dyslexia caused by a selective deficit to letter position encoding in the orthographic-visual analyzer, which results in migration of letters within words, primarily of middle letters. The Arabic orthography is especially interesting for the study of LPD because Arabic letters have different forms in different positions in the word. As a result, some letter position errors require letter form change. We compared the rate of letter migrations that change letter form with migrations that do not change letter form in 10 Arabic-speaking individuals with developmental LPD, and one bilingual Arabic and Hebrew-speaking individual with acquired LPD. The results indicated that the participants made 40% letter position errors in migratable words when the resulting word included the letters in the same form, whereas migrations that changed letter form almost never occurred. The error rate of the Arabic-Hebrew bilingual reader was smaller in Arabic than in Hebrew. However, when only words in which migrations do not change letter form were counted, the rate was similar in Arabic and Hebrew. Hence, whereas orthographies with multiple letter forms for each letter might seem more difficult in some respects, these orthographies are in fact easier to read in some forms of dyslexia. Thus, the diagnosis of LPD in Arabic should consider the effect of letter forms on migration errors, and use only migratable words that do not require letter-form change. The theoretical implications for the reading model are that letter form (of the position-dependent type found in Arabic) is part of the information encoded in the abstract letter identity, and thus affects further word recognition processes, and that there might be a pre-lexical graphemic buffer in which the checking of orthographic well-formedness takes place.     

The availability of useful information to the right of fixation in reading

A series of experiments that examined the characteristics of useful information to the right of fixation during reading is reported. In Experiments 1 and 2, reading performance when the information available to the right of fixation was determined by a fixed number of letters was compared with reading performance when the information to the right of fixation was determined by a fixed number of words. Beyond making more letters visible, both experiments showed that preserving all of the letters of a word was of no special benefit to reading. By explicitly presenting parts of the word to the right of fixation as well as the fixated word, Experiments 3 and 4 followed up on the implication that readers utilize partial letter information from words. Both experiments showed that reading was improved by this partial information and that preserving three letters of the word to the right of fixation improved reading almost as much as presenting the entire word. The implications the results have for models of reading are discussed.     

Graded effects of number of inserted letters in superset priming

Three masked priming experiments investigated the effects of target word length and number of inserted letters on superset priming, where irrelevant letters are added to targets to form prime stimuli (e.g., tanble-table). Effects of one, two, three, and four-letter insertions were measured relative to an unrelated prime condition, the identity prime condition, and a condition where the order of letters of the superset primes was reversed. Superset primes facilitated performance compared with unrelated primes and reversed primes, and the overall pattern showed a small cost of letter insertion that was independent of target word length and that increased linearly as a function of the number of inserted letters. A meta-analysis incorporating data from the present study and two other studies investigating superset priming, showed an average estimated processing cost of 11 ms per letter insertion. Models of letter position coding are examined in the light of this result.     

Evidence in support of word unitization

In each of five experiments, the subjects viewed tachistoscopically presented pairs of letters and made speeded comparison judgments on the basis of name identity. On most trials, a noise letter string (word or anagram) was placed directly between the target letters. The results indicated that correct “same” RTs were a function of noise item type and its relation to target letters. Anagrams increased RTs more than their counterpart words, except when the noise word was either unmeaningflul or response incompatible with respect to the target letters (e.g., B Tea b). The interference effects were also found to be independent of sequence length. It was posited that the subjects were unable to completely ignore the irrelevant attributes of the displays and that under certain conditions, the subjects were able to identify the noise items in a holistic fashion. The data were interpreted in terms of a unitization hypothesis of word recognition, response competition, and a continuous-flow conception of information processing.     

Eye movements when reading: The importance of the word to the left of fixation

In reading, it is well established that word processing can begin in the parafovea while the eyes are fixating the previous word. However, much less is known about the processing of information to the left of fixation. In two experiments, this issue was explored by combining a gaze-contingent display procedure preventing parafoveal preview and a letter detection task. All words were displayed as a series of xs until the reader fixated them, thereby preventing forward parafoveal processing, yet enabling backward parafoveal or postview processing. Results from both experiments revealed that readers were able to detect a target letter embedded in a word that was skipped. In those cases, the letter could only have been identified in postview (to the left of fixation), and detection rate decreased as the distance between the target letter and the eyes' landing position increased. Most importantly, for those skipped words, the typical missing-letter effect was observed with more omissions for target letters embedded in function than in content words. This can be taken as evidence that readers can extract basic prelexical information, such as the presence of a letter, in the parafoveal area to the left of fixation. Implications of these results are discussed in relation to models of eye movement control in reading and also in relation to models of the missing-letter effect.     

Contrasting Effects of Letter-spacing in Alexia: Further Evidence that Different Strategies Generate Word Length Effects in Reading

The reading behaviour of two alexic patients (SA and WH) is reported. Both patients are severely impaired at reading single words, and both show abnormally strong effects of word length when reading. These two symptoms are characteristic of letter-by-letter reading. Experiment 1 examined the pattern of errors when the patients read large and small words. Further experiments examined the effects of inter-letter spacing on word naming (Experiments 2a and 2b) and the identification of letters in letter strings (Experiment 3). For both patients, letter identification was better for widely spaced letters in letter strings, and this effect was most pronounced for the central letters in the strings. This is consistent with abnormally strong flanker interference in letter identification. However, inter-letter spacing affected word reading behaviour in the two patients in different ways. SA's word reading improved with widely spaced letters; WH's word reading was disrupted. This suggests that these patients adopted different strategies when reading words. We conclude that several reading behaviours can elicit word length effects, and that these different behaviours can reflect strategic adaptation to a common functional deficit in patients. We discuss the implications both for understanding alexia and for models of normal word identification.     

Orthographic effects in the word substitutions of aphasic patients: an epidemic of right neglect dyslexia?

Aphasic patients with reading impairments frequently substitute incorrect real words for target words when reading aloud. Many of these word substitutions have substantial orthographic overlap with their targets and are classified as "visual errors" (i.e., sharing 50% of targets' letters in the same relative position). Fifteen chronic aphasic patients read a battery of words and non-words; non-word reading was poor for all patients, and more than 50% of errors on words involved the substitution of a non-target word. An investigation of the factors conditioning these word substitutions, as well as the production of visual errors, identified a number of similarities to patterns previously reported for patients with right neglect dyslexia, which has been said to occur relatively rarely. These included a strong tendency for errors to overlap targets in initial letter positions, maintenance of target length in errors, and the substitution of words higher in imageability than targets. It is proposed that left hemisphere damage frequently leads to disruption of a level of representation for written words in which letter position is ordinally coded, resulting in exacerbation of a normal processing advantage for early letter positions. A computational model is discussed that incorporates this level of representation and successfully simulates relevant normal and patient data.     

Letter position information and printed word perception: the relative-position priming constraint

Six experiments apply the masked priming paradigm to investigate how letter position information is computed during printed word perception. Primes formed by a subset of the target's letters facilitated target recognition as long as the relative position of letters was respected across prime and target (e.g., "arict" vs. "acirt" as primes for the target "apricot"). Priming effects were not influenced by whether or not absolute, length-dependent position was respected (e.g., "a-ric-t" vs. "arict"/"ar-i-ct"). Position of overlap of relative-position primes (e.g., apric-apricot; ricot-apricot; arict-apricot) was found to have little influence on the size of priming effects, particularly in conditions (i.e., 33 ms prime durations) where there was no evidence for phonological priming. The results constrain possible schemes for letter position coding.     

What do letter migration errors reveal about letter position coding in visual word recognition?

Dividing attention across multiple words occasionally results in misidentifications whereby letters apparently migrate between words. Previous studies have found that letter migrations preserve within-word letter position, which has been interpreted as support for position-specific letter coding. To investigate this issue, the authors used word pairs like STEP and SOAP, in which a letter in 1 word could migrate to an adjacent letter in another word to form an illusory word (STOP). Three experiments show that both same-position and adjacent-position letter migrations can occur, as well as migrations that cross 2 letter positions. These results argue against position-specific letter coding schemes used in many computational models of reading, and they provide support for coding schemes based on relative rather than absolute letter position.     

Are individual or consecutive letters the unit affected by repetition blindness?

When 2 similar words (e.g., react reach) are briefly sequentially displayed, the 2nd word may be omitted from the report, a phenomenon known as repetition blindness (RB). Previous researchers have suggested that consecutive letters are the unit affected by RB. Six experiments provided new data on orthographic RB. Two letters at the beginning or end of words resulted in RB, as did alternating interior letters (tactile earthly) and 3 letters with different relative positions (arid bird). However, no RB was found with a single final letter (show view). Observed RB may reflect pattern completion because RB for pairs like throat theory was reduced when the nonrepeated letters (eory) were consistent with only a single word. The experiments point to a model of orthographic RB in which both individual letters and letter sequences of length 2 or more play a role.     

On letter frequency effects

In four experiments we examined whether the frequency of occurrence of letters affects performance in the alphabetic decision task (speeded letter vs. pseudo-letter classification). Experiments 1A and 1B tested isolated letters and pseudo-letters presented at fixation, and Experiments 2A and 2B tested the same stimuli inserted at the 1st, 3rd, or 5th position in a string of Xs. Significant negative correlations between letter frequency and response times to letter targets were found in all experiments. The correlations were found to be stronger for token frequency counts compared with both type frequency and frequency rank, stronger for frequency counts based on a book corpus compared with film subtitles, and stronger for measures counting occurrences as the first letter of words compared with inner letters and final letters. Correlations for letters presented in strings of Xs were found to depend on letter case and position-in-string. The results are in favor of models of word recognition that implement case-specific and position-specific letter representations.     

Developmental letter position dyslexia

Letter position dyslexia (LPD) is a peripheral dyslexia that causes errors of letter order within words. So far, only cases of acquired LPD have been reported. This study presents selective LPD in its developmental form, via the testing of 11 Hebrew‐speaking individuals with developmental dyslexia. The study explores the types of errors and effects on reading in this dyslexia, using a variety of tests: reading aloud, lexical decision, same‐different decision, definition and letter naming. The findings indicate that individuals with developmental LPD have a deficit in the letter position encoding function of the orthographic visual analyser, which leads to underspecification of letter position within words. Letter position errors occur mainly in adjacent middle letters, when the error creates another existing word. The participants did not show an output deficit or phonemic awareness deficit. The selectivity of the deficit, causing letter position errors but no letter identity errors and no migrations between words, supports the existence of letter position encoding function as separate from letter identification and letter‐to‐word binding.