The Medina Charter: A Historical Case of Conflict Resolution

There are many examples in Islamic history of Muslims coexisting with various religious groups. The Medina Charter, which provided a basis for a city-state between the Muslims and the Jews in the medieval Muslim city of Medina, was the first written constitution in Islam and the first documented case of constitutional law. It is also a historical example of conflict resolution in Islam. This article examines the methods of conflict resolution in the Medina Charter in comparison with the modern ideas of Western conflict resolution theory—mediation, fractioning, and focusing on goals and interests as opposed to individual religion, and power-balancing. The article also addresses the issues of conflict resolution and culture, outlining the differences between basic Islamic and Western cultural assumptions that in turn shape their different approaches to conflict mediation. However, in its comparison of the two approaches, it finds generic, universal assumptions of conflict resolution that persist despite differing cultural languages. The comparison between the Medina Charter and Western conflict resolution was conducted with the intent to enlighten current efforts towards mediation between Muslim societies and other intercultural communities of the globalized world.     

From Intractable Conflict Through Conflict Resolution To Reconciliation: Psychological Analysis

Intractable intergroup conflicts require the formation of a conflictive ethos that enables a society to adapt to the conflict situation, survive the stressful period, and struggle successfully with the adversary. The formal termination of such a conflict begins with the elimination of the perceived incompatibility between the opposing parties through negotiation by their representatives—that is, a conflict resolution process. But this is only part of the long-term reconciliation process, which requires the formation of peaceful relations based on mutual trust and acceptance, cooperation, and consideration of mutual needs. The psychological aspect of reconciliation requires a change in the conflictive ethos, especially with respect to societal beliefs about group goals, about the adversary group, about the ingroup, about intergroup relations, and about the nature of peace. In essence, psychological reconciliation requires the formation of an ethos of peace, but this is extremely difficult in cases of intractable conflict. Political psychologists can and should work to improve the state of knowledge about reconciliation,which until now has received much less attention than conflict resolution.     

Political Action in Conflict and Nonconflict Regions in Indonesia: The Role of Religious and National Identifications

This study examined the relationship between group identification and political action in Indonesia. We made four contributions to the literature. First, we studied political action on behalf of religious groups and examined the role of religious identification alone and in combination with national identification. Second, we analyzed political action in a non‐Western country where social cleavages occur primarily along religious lines and where a conflict and nonconflict region can be studied. Third, we compared Muslims and Christians, whose majority and minority status varies across the two regions, and fourth, we investigated both normative and nonnormative forms of political action (protest and violence). In line with the dual‐identification model of politicization, we found that religious identification increased support for protest (but not violence) in the conflict region only and particularly among high national identifiers. In the nonconflict region, religious identification was not related to violence, and it was related to lower support for protest among high national identifiers. The patterns were largely similar for Muslims and Christians, but some differences were found depending on the majority‐minority status. We conclude that particularities of the intergroup context should be taken into consideration when studying politicization.     

The Future Models of Arab Political Economy

Three distinct models of political economy are articulated in this article to chart out the possible politico-economic futures of the Arab World. Of these, the present predicaments of the revolutionizing Arab populace are argued to have been caused by the continuance of the wrong social choices. It depended for a long time now on the alienating model of differentiation and alienation of the Arab nations by their rulers, and by their uncritical immersing in the equally debilitating globalization agenda. Two models of the alienating and unfeasible types are formulated as the prevailing ones today. The arguments and empirical study of limited socioeconomic data with the examples of Egypt, Tunisia and Yemen, which are considered as exemplary of the revolutionary Arab World, point out that social factors based on the demand for participation and representation, self-reliant social change, and opportunities are the overwhelming factors of politico-economic change. These factors, as opposed to the purely economic factors, must be embedded in a synergistic way with the rest in a distinctive future model of Arab political economy. Three formal models of possible political economy of the future Arab World with their evolutionary futures are formalized. Necessary social and policy implications are drawn in reference to these three evolutionary Arab futures in political economy.     

Islam,immigrants and the state: Religion and cultural politics in Australia

This paper explores the relationship between religious practice and the cultural marginality of Islam in the West. Its focus is the religious organization and practice of Muslim immigrant communities in Australia. It interprets immigrant religious culture as a dimension of the process of incorporation of migrants in class cultures. Its theoretical approach derives from Bourdieu's analysis of the social world as both a symbolic system and system of power relations. It argues that the process of incorporation of immigrants structures the reconstitution of religious culture in migration selectively, creating a distinctive Islamic culture linked to new social movements in the Islamic world.     

Thoughts on the inner conflict within Islamic culture: Their existential anxieties and ours

Abstract

This paper focuses on how Islamic terrorism is primarily part of a larger internal conflict within Islamic culture. Western, liberal (largely Christian) democracies evolved over centuries of their own bloody philosophical and political struggles between religious authority and what came to be defined as a modern, civil society built on individual freedom of belief, secular authority, and law. Now, Western liberal modernity represents a deep existential threat to traditional Islamic societies around gender, family relations, and individual beliefs. A ferocious internal struggle exists between those Muslims who believe Islam can absorb those tensions – creating its own version of an open, tolerant, cultural modernity – versus political Islamists, jihadists, for whom the annihilation anxiety elicited by the threatened social change is directed both internally and in violent rage at the West.     

Predictors of Strength of In‐Group Identity in Northern Ireland: Impact of Past Sectarian Conflict,Relative Deprivation,and Church Attendance

Social identity in Northern Ireland is multifaceted, with historical, religious, political, social, economic, and psychological underpinnings. Understanding the factors that influence the strength of identity with the Protestant or Catholic community, the two predominate social groups in Northern Ireland, has implications for individual well‐being as well as for the continuation of tension and violence in this setting of protracted intergroup conflict. This study examined predictors of the strength of in‐group identity in 692 women (mean age 37 years) in post‐accord Northern Ireland. For Catholics, strength of in‐group identity was positively linked to past negative impact of sectarian conflict and more frequent current church attendance, whereas for Protestants, strength of in‐group identity was related to greater status satisfaction regarding access to jobs, standard of living, and political power compared with Catholics; that is, those who felt less relative deprivation. The discussion considers the differences in the factors underlying stronger identity for Protestants and Catholics in this context. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Brief Report: Promoting Postformal Thinking on the Job: A Protocol for Interpersonal Conflict Resolution Training

In this paper, we discuss the relevance of training in the constructive resolution of interpersonal conflicts that occur at work. Research indicates that such conflicts may be a source of stress for adults, particularly young adults who have just entered the workforce. We present a training protocol in constructive conflict resolution that has been adapted for application to work-related conflicts. Most conflict resolution training protocols for use in the workplace focus on resolving company-wide problems. We do not know of any that focus on individual conflicts between employees, while emphasizing skills that may offer some benefits for the development of postformal thinking. Postformal thinking has been postulated as relevant to becoming an expert in one’s chosen profession. We present this protocol to stimulate ideas on how to further develop and refine training efforts for working adults in conflict resolution.     

基于Flanker、Stroop和Simon多重冲突驱动的认知控制机制

认知控制是维持和调整多任务目标导向的加工策略,而基于多任务冲突的认知控制是一般领域上还是特定领域上,即一种冲突是否会影响另一种冲突的解决,已有研究并没有得到统一的结论。本研究运用事件相关电位（ERP）方法考察了同一任务中不同类型冲突（Stroop、Simon和Flanker冲突）驱动认知控制调节的脑机制。数据显示：各冲突都出现了一致性效应和冲突适应性效应;实验中每种冲突的上一个trial只与该类冲突的当前trial的交互效应显著,而与其他类型冲突的当前trial的交互效应不显著;几乎所有冲突都发现了P300、N450、SP成分一致性效应。结果表明：在不同类型冲突驱动条件下,人脑能够同时监控并解决不同类型的冲突;冲突驱动的认知控制系统以局部的控制方式工作;人脑是基于多冲突驱动的认知控制系统的灵活性和某类型冲突所特有的控制机制来解决冲突,且冲突解决机制是相互独立、互不干扰的。     

A Clash of Civilizations? Preferences for Religious Political Leaders in 86 Nations

Huntington claimed that today's major conflicts are most likely to erupt between religiously defined “civilizations,” in particular between Christianity and Islam. Using World Values Surveys from 86 nations, we examine differences between Christians and Muslims in preferences for religious political leaders. The results suggest a marked difference between Muslims and Christians in their attitudes toward religious politicians, with Muslims more favorable by 20 points out of 100. Devoutness, education, degree of government corruption, and status as a formerly Communist state account for the difference. Little support is found for the clash‐of‐civilizations hypothesis. Instead, we find that a clash of individual beliefs—between the devout and the secular—along with enduring differences between the more developed and less developed world explains the difference between Islam and Christianity with regards to preferences for religious political leaders.     

医药回扣是最大的医患利益冲突

分析医患利益冲突如何影响医生的临床决策,并在此基础上探讨如何处理医患利益冲突。医患利益冲突影响医生临床决策有两个环节,其一是影响其专业判断,其二是影响其医疗决定。医药回扣具备商业贿赂的典型特征。医药回扣是最大的医患利益冲突。     

Conflict Resolution in Chinese Adolescents' Friendship: Links with Regulatory Focus and Friendship Satisfaction

It is generally acknowledged that people adopt different resolution strategies when facing conflicts with others. However, the mechanisms of conflict resolution are still unclear and under researched, in particular within the context of Chinese adolescents' same-sex friendship relations. Thus, the present study investigated the mediator role of conflict resolution strategies in the relationship between regulatory foci and friendship satisfaction for the first time. 653 Chinese adolescents completed the regulatory foci, conflict resolution style, and friendship satisfaction measures. The results of the structure equation modeling showed that while promotion focus was positively associated with problem-solving and compliance, prevention focus was positively associated with withdrawal and conflict engagement. In addition, problem-solving mediated the relationship between promotion focus and friendship satisfaction, and conflict engagement mediated the relationship between prevention focus and friendship satisfaction. These findings contribute to understanding Chinese adolescents' use of conflict resolution strategies as well as the relationship between regulatory foci and behavioral strategies in negative situations.     

原生家庭父母冲突、 夫妻冲突解决模式与婚姻质量的关系:基于主客体互倚模型的分析

采用问卷调查法,对263对夫妻的原生家庭父母冲突、 夫妻冲突解决模式和婚姻质量进行测量.结果表明,(1)个体的原生家庭父母冲突与自身以及配偶的婚姻质量呈显著负相关;(2)丈夫的原生家庭冲突可以预测自身以及妻子的冲突解决模式,妻子的原生家庭冲突可预测丈夫的冲突解决模式;(3)丈夫夫妻冲突解决模式在双方原生家庭父母冲突对自...     

Power,Conflict, and Community: How Gendered Views of Political Power Influence Women's Political Ambition

We provide a novel approach to understanding the political ambition gap between men and women by examining perceptions of the role of politician. Across three studies, we find that political careers are viewed as fulfilling power‐related goals, such as self‐promotion and competition. We connect these goals to a tolerance for interpersonal conflict and both of these factors to political ambition. Women's lack of interest in conflict and power‐related activities mediates the relationship between gender and political ambition. In an experiment, we show that framing a political career as fulfilling communal goals—and not power‐related goals—reduces the ambition gap.     

Shi‘i Islamic cosmopolitanism and the transformation of religious authority in Senegal

Senegalese “conversion” to Shi‘i Islam resulted from cosmopolitan interactions with West Africa’s resident Lebanese population and Iranian revolutionary ideologies. Shi‘i advocates spread their religious convictions through teaching, conferences, holiday celebrations, and media publicity. Key to their success are libraries full of Arabic and French texts from Iran and Lebanon. Inherent in Islamic education is the authority bestowed on those who are knowledgeable, and with the spread of religious knowledge through books, media, and the Internet comes a broadening of the scope of religious authority and resulting conflict with or accommodation of old political communities. Senegalese converts to Shi‘i Islam use their literacy in Arabic and individually acquired libraries of Islamic legal books to bypass the authority of Sufi marabouts. Some keep their feet in both Sunni and Shi‘i worlds, and their ability to compare religious texts of both traditions wins them disciples. Shi‘i minorities claim autochthony and authenticity in Senegal through narrating revisionist historical accounts of the spread of (Shi‘i) Islam to Africa. Conferences commemorating the martyrdom of Imam Husayn during the Shi‘i mourning period in the month of Muharram target Sufi Muslims who also love the family of the Prophet. Shi‘i leaders skillfully detach this foreign religious ideology from Middle Eastern politics and make this branch of Islam relevant to Senegalese through establishing religious centers as NGOs, which work to bring health care and economic development to neighborhoods in the name of Shi‘i Islam.     

亲子冲突与青少年社会适应的关系

从北京市四所普通中学选取 82 9名初一、初二、高一和高二学生为被试 ,采取匿名的方式让被试报告自己在过去半年内分别与父亲和母亲在学业、做家务、交友、花钱、日常生活安排、外表、家庭成员关系和隐私等八个方面发生冲突的频率 ,以及自己的问题行为、抑郁和社交焦虑的情况 ,以此探讨亲子冲突与青少年社会适应之间的关系。结果发现 :(1 )父子和母子在冲突内容上有很大的差别 ;母子冲突多于父子冲突 ,且母子冲突和父子冲突的侧重点也有所不同。 (2 )在学业和生活方面 ,发生亲子冲突的青少年远多于没有亲子冲突的青少年 ,但在其余六个方面却是没有亲子冲突的青少年多于发生亲子冲突的青少年。在发生亲子冲突的青少年中 ,与双亲均发生冲突的青少年最多 ,其次是只与母亲发生冲突的青少年 ,与父亲发生冲突的青少年最少。 (3 )亲子冲突与青少年的抑郁和问题行为具有较为一致的关系 ,即与双亲发生冲突的青少年所表现的问题行为和抑郁最多 ,其次是与单亲发生冲突的青少年 ,问题行为和抑郁表现最少的是与双亲均无冲突的青少年 ;但亲子冲突与青少年社交焦虑之间的关系并没有一致的趋势。     

Conflict in the Workplace, and its Resolution

ABSTRACT This paper identifies four areas of conflict which arise in contemporary workplaces, conflict between management and workforce over initiative, especially with respect to decisions over choice of product and methods of production, over productivity and the response to declining demand, over innovation and technological redundancy, and over division of the company's income.
All four types of conflict are traced to the existence of the employer/employee relationship, which generates these conflicts by perpetuating both real conflicts of interest and conflictual attitudes.
The conflicts could be resolved if the employment relationship were abolished as the standard manner of participation in the economy. This paper argues for the abolition of the market for labour while retaining markets in goods, services, and capital, by the transformation of firms into production co-operatives, in which partnership, not employment, is the normal relationship to the enterprise.
The advantages of such a scheme are briefly touched on, and then some of the more obvious difficulties in implementing it are discussed. These include the Trade Union interest, problems of ownership and capital formation, recruitment questions, and capitalist resistance.     

Conflict, Identity, and Tolerance: Israel in the Al-Aqsa Intifada

This paper explores the impact of the Al-Aqsa Intifada on tolerance orientations of the Israeli Jewish public. We rely upon five surveys carried out between January 2000 and June 2002 to study in a real-life setting the amount and nature of change in political tolerance due to the conflict and the mechanisms behind it. Building on theory and research on intergroup relations in social psychology and political tolerance in political science, we focus upon threat and ingroup identification as the two primary factors in the social psychological processes resulting from conflict and leading to intolerance. We set the trends and explore mediation and interaction processes in the impact of this round of conflict on political tolerance.