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1.
Boredom proneness in pathological gambling   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
To test the hypothesis that pathological gamblers seek stimulation as a means of reducing aversive under-aroused states of boredom and/or depression, the Beck Depression Inventory, Zuckerman's Sensation Seeking Scale and a Boredom Proneness Scale were administered to 48 diagnosed pathological gamblers and a control group of 40 family physician patients. Analyses of variance showed pathological gamblers obtained significantly higher boredom proneness and depression scores than those of controls. That the Boredom Proneness Scale failed to correlate with the Zuckerman Boredom Susceptibility subscale suggested the two measure differing dimensions. Results indicated the possible existence of three subtypes of pathological gamblers, one group characterized by boredom, another by depression, and a third by a mixture of both depression and boredom.  相似文献   

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The effect of boredom proneness as measured by the Boredom Proneness Scale (R. F. Farmer & N. D. Sundberg, 1986) on college students' psychosocial development was investigated via the Student Developmental Task and Lifestyle Assessment (SDTLA; R. B. Winston, T. K. Miller, & J. S. Prince, 1995). Low boredom-prone students had significantly higher scores on the following SDTLA measures: career planning, lifestyle planning, peer relationships, educational involvement, instrumental autonomy, emotional autonomy, interdependence, academic autonomy, and salubrious lifestyle. Gender differences on boredom proneness and psychosocial development measures are discussed.  相似文献   

4.
The present study examines the relationships between paranoia, conspiracist ideation, and boredom proneness. A sample of the general public (N = 150) completed the Paranoia scale, the Boredom Proneness scale, and the Generic Conspiracist Beliefs scale. Bivariate correlations revealed significant interrelationships between the three traits. Further analysis revealed that the relationship between boredom proneness and conspiracist ideation was fully mediated by paranoia. That is, proneness to experiencing boredom is associated with stronger endorsement of conspiracy theories only in as much as boredom proneness is associated with increased paranoia.  相似文献   

5.
The present study was a replication and extension of Rupp and Vodanovich’s (1997) work on the role of boredom proneness in anger expression and aggression. In addition to replicating their primary analyses, impulsiveness and sensation seeking were included to determine the potential impact of these variables on the relationships between boredom proneness and anger and aggression. Two hundred and twenty-four college student volunteers completed measures of boredom proneness, impulsiveness, sensation seeking, anger expression, and aggression. Findings were consistent with Rupp and Vodanovich (1997) but demonstrated more pervasive effects of external boredom proneness on aggression. Hierarchical multiple regression analyses demonstrated that the relationships between external boredom proneness and trait anger, anger expression/control, and aggression persisted even after accounting for impulsiveness and sensation seeking. Boredom due to a lack of external stimulation predicted one’s propensity to experience anger, maladaptive anger expression, aggression, and deficits in anger control.  相似文献   

6.
This study examined the extent to which boredom proneness and sleep disturbances were related to attention deficit scores in college-aged adults. In a sample of 148 college students, Attention scores on the Adult Behavior Checklist were best predicted by Boredom Proneness (BP) subscale scores, which assess one's inability to maintain internal stimulation and feelings of constraint, and scores on the Epworth Daytime Sleepiness Scale and Athens Insomnia Scale (R2 = .57). Hyperactivity scores were best predicted by the BP subscales, which assess one's need for a stimulating environment, the perception of time passing slowly, and feelings of constraint, and the Epworth Scale (R2 = .51). The findings contribute to the understanding of the symptomatology of attention deficit in adults and provide further evidence of the validity of this measure.  相似文献   

7.
The past few decades have experienced a decline in the use of traditional news sources as an increasing number of individuals rely on social media for information. Although this change has made it easier to obtain information, individuals often selectively expose themselves to information that confirms their beliefs. The current study examined if this pattern could explain political perceptions during the COVID-19 pandemic. Based on past research, it would be expected that liberals and conservatives would hold differing views of the COVID-19 pandemic. Republicans downplayed the pandemic and were more likely to consider it a hoax, while Democrats exaggerated the pandemic and were more likely to advocate for excessive measures. In this study, we collected two samples at different points during the pandemic in which we asked participants to indicate their political ideology, their perception of the COVID-19 pandemic, and the sources of information that they trusted. Our results indicated that trust in information sources mediated the relationship between political ideology and perceptions of the pandemic, suggesting that the informational sources that an individual trusted was a factor in determining perceptions of the COVID-19 pandemic.  相似文献   

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Previous research has focused on how happiness is independently associated with political orientation and religiosity. The current study instead explored how political orientation and religiosity interact in establishing levels of happiness. Data from both the 2012 General Social Survey and the 2005 World Values Survey were used. Results from both data sets support prior research by showing a positive association between happiness and both political conservatism and religiosity. Importantly, it was found that political conservatism and religiosity interact in predicting happiness levels. Specifically, the current results suggest that religiosity has a greater effect on happiness for more politically conservative individuals compared to more politically liberal individuals.  相似文献   

10.
The purpose of this research was to examine the relation between state orientation, proneness to boredom and procrastination as proposed in Kuhl's theory of action (Kuhl, 1994a). The findings from two studies are reported. Based on data collected from 143 undergraduate students on the Action Control Scale (Kuhl, 1994b), study 1 revealed arousal, avoidance and decisional procrastination to be positively related to state orientation. Results of study 2 (n = 120) demonstrated proneness to boredom to be positively related to state orientation, arousal procrastination and decisional procrastination. Overall, this research provides support for a link between proneness to boredom, state orientation, and procrastination. The results are discussed in terms of self-identity and time perception.  相似文献   

11.
Recent critiques of moral psychology and the contemporary culture wars highlight the need for a better understanding of diverse moral perspectives. A model of moral motives is proposed. The fundamental approach–avoidance distinction in motivation is crossed with self-other focus to create four moral motives: Self-Restraint (avoidance-self), Social Order (avoidance-other), Self-Reliance (approach-self), and Social Justice (approach-other). Three studies explored these motives in the context of political orientation. Overall, political conservatism was associated with avoidance motives and liberalism with approach motives. Approach–avoidance motives were also associated with distinct patterns of results regarding authoritarianism, social dominance, and positions on contemporary social issues. Responses of campus political groups demonstrated the utility of the moral motives in providing a more nuanced view of politics that also takes into account the model’s second dimension, for an emphasis on Self focus (personality responsibility) versus Other focus (social responsibility) further distinguished between conservative groups. Moral and political implications are discussed.  相似文献   

12.
This research focused on territorial sense of community and ethnic prejudice. In particular, we related these two constructs and investigated their relationship to individual characteristics (personal political orientation, contact with immigrants, etc.) and community‐level ones (such as ethnic composition and the political orientation of the local government). Two studies were conducted in four small towns in central and southern Italy. For each study, 160 people were contacted. The instruments used were a questionnaire, the Italian Sense of Community Scale and the Blatant Prejudice Scale. The results showed that territorial sense of community is not related to ethnic prejudice or to the ethnic heterogeneity of the territory. It was also found that people with right‐wing political sympathies revealed higher levels of prejudice than people with left‐wing sympathies. Finally, in a town with a stable and consolidated left‐wing orientation of the local government we found, when the influence of personal political orientation was controlled for, lower levels of prejudice than in a town with a right‐wing orientation. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

13.
Proneness to shame, proneness to guilt, and psychopathology.   总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5  
The links between shame and guilt and psychopathology were examined. In 2 studies, 245 and 234 undergraduates completed the Self-Conscious Affect and Attribution Inventory, the Symptom Checklist 90, the Beck Depression Inventory, the State-Trait Anxiety Scale, and the Attributional Style Questionnaire. Results failed to support Lewis's (1971) notion that shame and guilt are differentially related to unique symptom clusters. Shame-proneness was strongly related to psychological maladjustment in general. Guilt-proneness was only moderately related to psychopathology; correlations were ascribable entirely to the shared variance between shame and guilt. Although clearly related to a depressogenic attributional style, shame accounted for substantial variance in depression, above and beyond attributional style.  相似文献   

14.
Two studies use the Five Factor Model of traits and Schwartz's (1992 ) theory of basic personal values to assess the mediational role of values in linking traits to voting choice and left-right ideology. Both left- and right-wing voters showed distinctive traits and values that were congruent with their ideologies. Structural equation modelling supported a hypothesized full mediation model. Individuals' traits of openness, conscientiousness and agreeableness explained significant variance in the politically relevant values of security and universalism, and these self-reported values, in turn, explained the voters' political orientations. These findings held across age (adolescents and adults) and were corroborated using both cross-sectional and longitudinal data.  相似文献   

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Disordered or maladaptive meta-cognitive processing appears to be a prominent feature for some individuals with a diagnosis of schizophrenia. We sought to establish whether healthy individuals distinguished either in terms hallucination proneness (HP) or level of schizotypy could also be differentiated on the sub-scales of the Meta-cognitions Questionnaire (MCQ), or a modified version of it in which items about worry were replaced with items specifically related to thinking. A total of 106 healthy volunteers completed the Oxford and Liverpool Inventory of Feelings and Experiences and Launay-Slade hallucination scale, the Schizotypal Personality Questionnaire and two versions of the MCQ: the original which assesses five domains of meta-cognition and an adapted version in which items relating to worry had been replaced by items relating to thinking or reflecting on thinking (MCQ-th). ANOVA indicated highly significant differences between three groups of individuals differentiated in terms of high, medium and low proneness to hallucinations on four of the five MCQ sub-scales, and three of the four MCQ-th factors. Regression analyses indicated that the MCQ factors encompassing (1) a sense of uncontrollability of thinking (and the perceived attendant dangers of this) and (2) negative beliefs about thinking related to suspicion and punishment were the strongest predictors of high schizotypy. Individuals who score higher on a measure of HP are more likely to display patterns of meta-cognitive processing that resemble, in certain respects, those reported in individuals with a diagnosis of schizophrenia. High schizotypy predicts a negative appraisal about both the controllability and consequences of thinking.  相似文献   

17.
Desire for control, locus of control, and proneness to depression   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
Two personality constructs, desire for control and locus of control, were related to depression among college students. Measures of levels of depression, desire for control, and locus of control were taken from subjects. Approximately six months later 71% of these subjects returned a questionnaire concerning their experiences with depression during that six-month period. It was found that locus of control scores, particularly the extent to which subjects perceived that their lives were controlled by chance, were significantly related to the depression levels. It was also found that high desire for control subjects who held external perceptions of control were most likely to seek nonprofessional help for depression. In addition, high desire for control subjects who perceived their lives as generally controlled by chance were most likely to have suicidal thoughts. The results are interpreted in terms of a general style that may promote a proneness to depression for certain individuals.  相似文献   

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The present study reports on the personality attributes of nursery school children who two decades later were reliably stratified along a liberal/conservative dimension. An unprecedented analytical opportunity existed to evaluate how the political views of these young adults related to assessments of them when in nursery school, prior to their having become political beings. Preschool children who 20 years later were relatively liberal were characterized as: developing close relationships, self-reliant, energetic, somewhat dominating, relatively under-controlled, and resilient. Preschool children subsequently relatively conservative at age 23 were described as: feeling easily victimized, easily offended, indecisive, fearful, rigid, inhibited, and relatively over-controlled and vulnerable. IQ during nursery school did not relate to subsequent liberalism/conservatism but did relate in subsequent decades. Personality correlates of liberalism/conservatism for the subjects as young adults were also reported: conservatives were described in terms congruent with previous formulations in the literature; liberals displayed personality commonalities but also manifested gender differences. Some implications of the results are briefly discussed.  相似文献   

20.
Researchers have argued that to understand more fully political orientation, non-reactive measures similar to those used in the broader implicit attitudes literature should be explored. Recently, the nature of the relation between explicitly and implicitly measured attitudes has been a topic of considerable discussion, with researchers stressing the importance of when explicit and implicit measures are related and when they are not. In the present research, the relation between explicit and implicit political orientation, and the potential moderating role of political sophistication was investigated. Participants (N = 116) completed an explicit measure of political orientation, a liberal–conservative Implicit Association Test (IAT), and a test of political knowledge. Results showed that explicit and implicit political orientation scores were moderately correlated (r = .48) with each other. Moreover, results from regression analyses showed that the association between explicit and implicit political orientation was moderated by political knowledge scores, such that the positive association was stronger among participants with a greater knowledge of politics.  相似文献   

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