2~4岁普通话儿童前注意阶段的声调感知机制

以MMN、p-MMR作为汉语词汇声调感知的神经关联物,探究2~4岁汉语普通话儿童前注意阶段对声调刺激的失匹配响应,关注范畴信息和偏差大小两个因素对儿童感知水平的影响。结果显示:在范畴间大偏差条件下(T1/T3),诱发明显的MMN;在范畴内或小偏差条件下(T3a/T3、T3b/T3、T2/T3),都未诱发显著的MMR。表明:2~4岁普通话儿童正处于声调感知能力的发展过程中,音位信息和声学信息共同影响其声调感知。     

汉语普通话声调T2-T4范畴化感知的老化效应

本研究考察了50~80岁说普通话的中老年人对普通话声调T2—T4的范畴化感知表现,探究影响声调范畴化感知老化的因素。采用经典范畴感知范式。结果显示,(1)中老年组所有年龄段(50~60岁、60~70岁、70~80岁)的范畴边界宽度都显著大于年轻组,但中老年组间差异不显著。(2)中老年人范畴边界宽度与记忆广度测试得分呈显著负相关,而与年龄的相关性不显著。(3)和年轻组相比,中老年组范畴内识别函数的斜率差异显著,而范畴间差异不显著。结果表明,中老年人声调感知范畴化程度下降,音系层面的加工能力发生衰退,记忆广度的衰退与声调范畴化感知老年化之间存在关联。此外,50到80岁间,年龄不会直接影响声调感知范畴化程度。     

调型和调阶对阳平和上声知觉的作用

使用心理-物理的方法研究了汉语普通话母语者对阳平和上声的感知。实验结果表明：普通话母语者对阳平和上声的分辨呈现出一定的范畴化倾向, 但普通话母语者区分这两个声调的范畴化程度不及他们区分阴平和阳平的范畴化程度; 普通话母语者不倾向于把孤立的低平升调和低平调辨认为上声; 在调阶不高的条件下, 音高曲线终点的“高”对于阳平的感知并不重要。这些结果暗示着, “低降”是和“升”分别是普通话上声和阳平的音系特征, 普通话可能也像吴方言一样存在阴、阳调域的差别, 阳平和上声同属于低调域。     

声调范畴感知和声调复杂度对音乐音高感知的跨领域影响

采用音高识别与区分任务, 以汉语母语者、越南语母语者和俄语母语者为研究对象, 考察了两个语言加工层面的因素, 即声调范畴感知模式以及不同语言声调系统的复杂度差异对跨领域音乐音高感知的影响。结果发现: (1)汉语和越南语两组声调语言母语者听辨结果符合范畴感知模式, 而俄语母语者是连续感知。在语言和音乐两种刺激条件下, 声调语言母语者在范畴边界宽度、范畴内区分率、范畴间区分率以及区分峰度等指标上不存在显著差异。(2)汉语和越南语两组声调语言母语者的音乐音高区分任务结果差异不显著。实验结果表明: 在行为层面, 母语声调范畴感知模式可以迁移到音乐音高感知中, 但复杂声调系统并不能促进跨领域的音乐音高精细感知。实验结果从语言对音乐音高加工影响的角度支持了“共享论”。     

幼儿汉语口语感知特点及神经机制

口语感知是当前心理语言学的研究热点, 然而以往研究大多以婴儿和成人为被试, 缺乏对幼儿口语感知的研究。此外, 现有口语感知模型主要是基于非声调语言研究建立起来的, 对汉语并不完全适用。汉语是一种声调语言, 在语音构成上不同于非声调语言。本项目将立足于汉语口语特点, 以3~5岁幼儿为研究对象, 考察幼儿汉语口语感知特点及神经机制。综合使用眼动方法、ERP方法和LORETA源定位技术探讨以下问题：(1)幼儿在前注意阶段和注意阶段的听觉语音辨别特点; (2)幼儿汉语口语词汇识别过程中音段信息和超音段信息的作用; (3)幼儿汉语口语感知的神经机制。本项目研究结果将揭示幼儿汉语口语感知特点, 为完善现有的口语感知模型提供新的实验证据。     

声调在汉语音节感知中的作用

探讨超音段(如声调)与音段信息的共同作用机制, 对口语词汇识别研究具有重要的理论意义。有研究探讨了声调在口语词汇语义通达阶段的作用, 但在相对早期的音节感知阶段, 声调与声母、韵母的共同作用机制还缺乏系统的认识。本研究采用oddball实验范式, 通过两个行为实验考察了声调在汉语音节感知中的作用。实验1发现检测声调和声母变化的时间没有差异, 均比检测韵母变化的时间长, 表明在汉语音节感知中对声调的敏感性不及韵母。实验2发现声母和韵母的组合并没有明显优于对韵母的觉察, 但声调与声母或韵母的同时变化都促进了被试对偏差刺激的觉察, 表明声调通过与声母、韵母的结合来共同影响汉语音节的感知加工。研究结果在认知行为层面为声调在音节感知中的作用机制提供了直接的实验证据, 为进一步探讨超音段与音段信息共同作用的认知神经机制提供了基础。     

汉语普通话声调加工的右耳优势及其机理：一项双耳分听的研究

采用双耳分听的任务探讨了汉语普通话声调加工的右耳优势问题,并引进反应手的因素,探讨了汉语声调加工的右耳优势的机制。结果表明,汉语母语被试对普通话声调的加工存在右耳、左脑优势,但这种优势是相对的,右脑也具备加工声调信息的能力,结果支持了直接通达模型。     

汉语元音对声调感知边界的影响

本项研究基于现代汉语普通话声调感知具有范畴性这一结论(Wang, 1976), 以普通话中6个单元音(/a//?//F//i//u//y/, 即拼音a、o、e、i、u、ü)阴平(T1)到阳平(T2)调的连续统(continuum)为实验语料, 用专业语音学软件Praat合成连续统语音样本, 对20名平均年龄为22.90岁的普通话母语者进行声调感知实验, 即让被试对所听刺激进行T1或T2的二选一鉴别测试(identification test), 从而探究单元音的内在音高(intrinsic pitch)与声调感知边界(boundary)的关系。本文借鉴Wang (1976)和Peng等(2010)对元音/i/声调连续统的合成方法, 使声调感知研究拓展到普通话中除/i/之外的其他5个单元音, 对以上两项研究起到一定的对照作用。研究发现, 元音会对T1到T2的声调范畴感知边界位置产生影响, 低元音/a/的内在音高较低, 其边界位置亦始终低于其他元音, 且具有显著性差异, 实验结果证明, 内在音高会对感知边界产生影响, 从而支持了Ohala和Eukel (1976)的“舌位拉伸”假说。     

音乐训练对4~5岁幼儿普通话声调范畴感知能力的影响

已有研究表明, 音乐训练能提高成人对普通话声调范畴感知的能力, 此种训练能否增强幼儿对声调范畴感知的能力?训练效果是否受到训练时间长短的影响?本研究对幼儿园4~5岁幼儿进行音乐训练, 共40人, 分成音乐组和控制组, 每组各20人, 追踪考察音乐训练和训练时间长短对幼儿声调范畴感知能力提升的影响。实验采用前测-中测-后测设计, 对音乐组开展每周3次, 每次30分钟, 以小钟琴演奏为主的音乐训练; 控制组不进行任何有组织的训练活动。结果发现, 12个月音乐训练提升了幼儿对声调范畴感知的程度, 表现为音乐组幼儿范畴边界宽度显著小于控制组, 而训练6个月时, 该优势并不显著。此外, 12个月音乐训练还加强了幼儿区分范畴内刺激声学差异的敏感性, 而对范畴间刺激的区分能力无显著提高。本研究结果支持了音乐学习的歌剧理论(OPERA), 音乐训练具有跨域迁移作用, 可提升4~5岁幼儿对普通话声调范畴感知的能力, 但只有长期持续的训练才可能真正提高幼儿的音高精细化加工水平。     

汉语语调早期加工的脑机制

采用ERP方法, 结合LORETA源定位分析技术, 考察了汉语语调早期自动加工的脑机制。结果发现： (1)对于附着在二声调汉字后的语调, 无论以单字词的形式, 还是以句子的形式呈现, 都没有诱发MMN; (2)当过滤掉实验刺激的言语信息后, 词音高和句子音高条件均诱发了MMN, 且这两个条件下的MMN波幅差异不显著; (3)LORETA分析发现, 句子音高条件在右半球顶叶的多个区域存在显著激活。该结果拓展了以往的研究结论, 为声学假设提供了证据。     

汉语口语韵律的作用及其神经机制

汉语是一种声调语言, 在口语韵律表达中存在独特的特点。本项目利用汉语不同于非声调语言的特点, 探讨已有研究中尚未澄清的问题, 即汉语声调在早期自动加工中对语义激活的作用, 以及在不同认知阶段中, 汉语声调和语调加工的神经机制。这些问题是当前的研究热点, 但仍存在着各种分歧和激烈的争论。本项目拟采用ERP方法, 结合LORETA源定位技术, 通过不同的实验范式考察以下内容：(1)在早期自动加工过程中, 汉语声调对词汇语义激活的作用; (2)在早期阶段, 汉语声调和语调加工的大脑激活模式; (3)在晚期阶段, 汉语声调和语调加工的大脑激活模式。对这些问题的考察将有助于澄清当前的激烈争论, 拓展以往基于非声调语言研究建立的口语加工理论的适用范围, 为完善言语认知加工的理论模型提供新的实验证据。     

Impaired categorical perception of lexical tones in Mandarin-speaking congenital amusics

The degree to which cognitive resources are shared in the processing of musical pitch and lexical tones remains uncertain. Testing Mandarin amusics on their categorical perception of Mandarin lexical tones may provide insight into this issue. In the present study, a group of 15 amusic Mandarin speakers identified and discriminated Mandarin tones presented as continua in separate blocks. The tonal continua employed were from a high-level tone to a mid-rising tone and from a high-level tone to a high-falling tone. The two tonal continua were made in the contexts of natural speech and of nonlinguistic analogues. In contrast to the controls, the participants with amusia showed no improvement for discrimination pairs that crossed the classification boundary for either speech or nonlinguistic analogues, indicating a lack of categorical perception. The lack of categorical perception of Mandarin tones in the amusic group shows that the pitch deficits in amusics may be domain-general, and this suggests that the processing of musical pitch and lexical tones may share certain cognitive resources and/or processes (Patel 2003, 2008, 2012).     

Dichotic Perception of Mandarin Tones by Chinese and American Listeners

The dichotic perception of Mandarin tones by native and nonnative listeners was examined in order to investigate the lateralization of lexical tone. Twenty American listeners with no tone language background and 20 Chinese listeners were asked to identify dichotically presented tone pairs by identifying which tone they heard in each ear. For the Chinese listeners, 57% of the total errors occurred via the left ear, indicating a significant right ear advantage. However, the American listeners revealed no significant ear preference, with 48% of the errors attributable to the left ear. These results indicated that Mandarin tones are predominantly processed in the left hemisphere by native Mandarin speakers, whereas they are bilaterally processed by American English speakers with no prior tone experience. The results also suggest that the left hemisphere superiority for native Mandarin tone processing is similar to native processing of other tone languages.     

Differential recognition of pitch patterns in discrete and gliding stimuli in congenital amusia: evidence from Mandarin speakers

This study examined whether "melodic contour deafness" (insensitivity to the direction of pitch movement) in congenital amusia is associated with specific types of pitch patterns (discrete versus gliding pitches) or stimulus types (speech syllables versus complex tones). Thresholds for identification of pitch direction were obtained using discrete or gliding pitches in the syllable /ma/ or its complex tone analog, from nineteen amusics and nineteen controls, all healthy university students with Mandarin Chinese as their native language. Amusics, unlike controls, had more difficulty recognizing pitch direction in discrete than in gliding pitches, for both speech and non-speech stimuli. Also, amusic thresholds were not significantly affected by stimulus types (speech versus non-speech), whereas controls showed lower thresholds for tones than for speech. These findings help explain why amusics have greater difficulty with discrete musical pitch perception than with speech perception, in which continuously changing pitch movements are prevalent.     

The developmental course of lexical tone perception in the first year of life

Perceptual reorganisation of infants' speech perception has been found from 6 months for consonants and earlier for vowels. Recently, similar reorganisation has been found for lexical tone between 6 and 9 months of age. Given that there is a close relationship between vowels and tones, this study investigates whether the perceptual reorganisation for tone begins earlier than 6 months. Non-tone language English and French infants were tested with the Thai low vs. rising lexical tone contrast, using the stimulus alternating preference procedure. Four- and 6-month-old infants discriminated the lexical tones, and there was no decline in discrimination performance across these ages. However, 9-month-olds failed to discriminate the lexical tones. This particular pattern of decline in nonnative tone discrimination over age indicates that perceptual reorganisation for tone does not parallel the developmentally prior decline observed in vowel perception. The findings converge with previous developmental cross-language findings on tone perception in English-language infants [Mattock, K., & Burnham, D. (2006). Chinese and English infants' tone perception: Evidence for perceptual reorganization. Infancy, 10(3)], and extend them by showing similar perceptual reorganisation for non-tone language infants learning rhythmically different non-tone languages (English and French).     

Implicit Association Test (IAT) Studies Investigating Pitch-Shape Audiovisual Cross-modal Associations Across Language Groups

Previous studies have shown that Chinese speakers and non-Chinese speakers exhibit different patterns of cross-modal congruence for the lexical tones of Mandarin Chinese, depending on which features of the pitch they attend to. But is this pattern of language-specific listening a conscious cultural strategy or an automatic processing effect? If automatic, does it also apply when the same pitch contours no longer sound like speech? Implicit Association Tests (IATs) provide an indirect measure of cross-modal association. In a series of IAT studies, conducted with participants with three kinds of language backgrounds (Chinese-dominant bilinguals, Chinese balanced bilinguals, and English speakers with no Chinese experience) we find language-specific congruence effects for Mandarin lexical tones but not for matched sine-wave stimuli. That is, for linguistic stimuli, non-Chinese speakers show advantages for pitch-height congruence (high-pointy, low-curvy); no congruence effects were found for Chinese speakers. For non-linguistic stimuli, all participant groups showed advantages for pitch-height congruence. The present findings suggest that non-lexical tone congruence (high-pointy, low-curvy) is a basic congruence pattern, and the acquisition of a language with lexical tone can alter this perception.     

Tone perception in Cantonese and Mandarin: A cross-linguistic comparison

This study investigated the effects of linguistic experience on tone perception. Both Cantonese (in Experiment 1) and Mandarin (in Experiment 2) tones, including both lexical and nonlexical tones, were presented to three groups of subjects: Cantonese, Mandarin, and English native speakers. Subjects were asked to determine whether two auditorily presented tones were the same or different. The interval between the presentation of the two tones, and the level of interference during this interval, were manipulated. Native speakers did better at discriminating tones from their own languages than the other two groups of subjects, for both lexical and nonlexical tones. Subjects did worst when they were required to count backward during the interstimulus interval. Cantonese speakers were better than both Mandarin and English speakers at discriminating Cantonese tones, and there was no difference between Mandarin and English speakers, except in one condition. Mandarin speakers did better than both Cantonese and English speakers, and Cantonese speakers did better than English speakers, at discriminating Mandarin tones. Results are discussed in terms of the effects of language background, differences between Cantonese and Mandarin tones, and the nature of encoding in short-term memory.We thank Chung, Hon Yan, for writing programs for the experiment, and Yang, MuJang, for her assistance in testing the Mandarin subjects. This research was supported by a Summer Research Grant from the Chinese University of Hong Kong.