我在不伦的情爱和欲望中挣扎

结束吧,结束吧……我一次次对自己说应该结束了,应该尽快地结束这种不正当的男女关系,不应该再继续下去了。可是,每次面对他闪烁着纯粹天真犹如孩子般的眼睛,享受着他那温暖双唇所给予的热吻,陷入他那宽厚深情的怀抱,以及所有令人难忘又一次次上瘾的激情之夜,我那欲言又止的话语又吞回了肚里。     

"丝绸的天空"

子良在用心、用爱诠释着对音乐的热忱,如同他自己为“海边”这首温馨而浪漫的钢琴作品所述,海的宽阔就像是上帝的膀臂,他的无边无际就像是上帝对我们的爱,浪起浪潮会激发我对上帝的感谢和赞美。琴随意舞,子良用琴对上帝作美好的颂赞……     

爱心医"裸心"

美籍华人李贤弟兄,一名虔诚的基督徒,当他得知“裸心”小朋友的遭遇后,决定捐助人民币8万元,作为手术及医疗的费用。并委托广东省揭阳市基督教三自爱国运动委员会主席许洁平牧师,帮助他联络素不相识的受助人小家坤的家人,完成捐助的心愿……     

"包装院士"令人忧虑

近些日子多次听到提出"要培养大师级人才,要有计划培养本校的院士.方法是:申报科研课题时,把培养对象的名字放在第一位;写论文把他的名字放在第一位;出书把他的名字放在第一位;申报科研成果奖把他的名字放在第一位;评先进授荣誉称号把名额给他;成果奖申报时要尽量拔高,力争在省部级评为一等奖.这样到国家级就可评为二等奖,而二等奖是评院士的基本条件…….要包装好培养对象,就可以早出院士,××××大学就是这么搞的.有了院士好处多;学校的名气大、地位高,对争211工程名额、争课题、争经费、争排名都有利."     

值得咀嚼的一个经典故事

在一百多年前,比利时有个小木匠,名字叫阿道夫·萨克斯。他能活下来简直是个奇迹。小时候,他吞过缝衣针,误食过硫酸,被砖块砸破过头,不幸从楼上跌落过,还曾摔倒在点燃的炉火上。     

在"大众国学"与"大家国学"之间

一百多年前,梁启超在<新民丛报>上论中国学术思想变迁大势时,忧心忡忡地告诫当日的青年读者道:"自今以往二十年中,吾不患外国学术思想之不输入,吾患本国学术思想之不发明……若诸君而吐弃本国学问不屑从事也,则吾国虽多得百数十之达尔文、约翰弥勒、赫胥黎、斯宾塞,吾惧其于学界一无影响也";他还预测说:"大地今日只有两文明:一泰西文明,欧美是也;二泰东文明,中华是也.二十世纪,则两文明结婚之时代也……彼西方美人,必能为我家育宁馨儿以亢我宗也."     

"气功大师"与老巫婆的悲剧

一、走火入魔的刘大师 这天,我们小镇上的市场大门口围了很多看热闹的人.只听那位须发花白的长者大呼道:"喂,都来看呀,我一掌就能把市场的大门楼子推倒--"说着,他瞪眼跺脚运气发功……     

"北大才子"南宁街头拾垃圾为哪般?

新闻聚焦:前一阵子,陕西"北大才子"卖肉事件曾在全国炒得沸沸扬扬。2004年新伊始,广西又爆"重磅炸弹":家住南宁市济南路的一名叫江涛的"北大才子",因失恋和工作失意,"沦落"街头靠拾垃圾度日。有人说他是"疯子",有人说他有"心理障碍",也有人为他"痛惜"……特别关注:身为北京大学本科生、中国地质大学硕士研究生的江涛究竟是一个什么样的人?他是如何走上"捡垃圾生涯"的?他经历了怎样的"心理挫折"?他还能走出"低迷"吗?记者于2004年2月上旬对此事件进行了追踪采访。     

阿多诺的另一副"面孔"——读《道德哲学的问题》

阿多诺(1903~1969)是德国著名的哲学家、社会学家、法兰克福学派的重要代表人物。在《知识分子论》中,萨义德曾对阿多诺评论道:“他是个令人生畏又极具魅力的人物,对我来说,他是20世纪中叶具有主宰地位的知识分子的良心,终其一生都在与各种危险周旋、奋战……”。[1]正是因为阿     

"非诚贾不得食于贾"--齐国商业道德思想刍议

齐乃重仁尚德之地 ,《山海经·大荒东经》云 :“东方有君子之国……其人好让不争”。长期的重德传统 ,积淀了丰富的道德思想财富。其中 ,商业道德思想 ,虽因商业当时被列为末业而少载史册 ,但从零散的资料记述或折射中 ,尚可见其轮廓之一二。本文拟就此浅论其大概 ,意在寻求其中有借鉴意义的部分 ,服务于社会主义精神文明建设。一姜太公入齐之后 ,施行了改革开放的基本国策 ,把商业列为国家经济主体部分 ,他说 :“大农、大工、大商为之三宝……三宝完国乃安。” (《六韬·六守》)齐国继承发展了他这一思想的基本精神 ,至战国间称 :“商不出…     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.