当代中国选举改革的尝试

本文所要讨论的选举问题,是民主政治核心内涵中的首要问题,也是民主政治一个主要的实现形式,具有积极的现实启发意义。本文围绕选举的要义、存在问题以及如何完善等问题,将阐发一些分析、思考与建议。     

村庄选举与治理中的乡政权--以江西田下村为个案

村民自治作为一项新的乡村治理制度在乡村社会的贯彻与实施 ,引发了乡村关系的变化与调整。然而 ,由于《村组法》遭遇村庄基础的不同 ,使现实的乡村关系颇具复杂性。本文所反映的则是 ,在现实的乡村关系中 ,不仅存在着乡政权对村庄选举与治理的主动介入 ,还包含着村庄对乡政权的主动依赖。由此 ,建构一种乡村关系类型的分析框架便显得尤为必要     

农村选民的性格类型特征与其选举行为的关系

以云南省两个县8个自然村262名选民为被试,采用自编“农村选举行为问卷”和“性格形容词评定量表”探讨了选民性格类型特征及其与选举行为的关系。结果表明(1)农村选民的性格特征可分为积极性格、消极性格和中间性格三种类型;(2)积极性格类型的选民对农村选举制度意义的认识端正,并在投票时首先考虑候选人的品德和才能,而消极性格类型的选民对选举意义的认识存在偏差,其投票行为受候选人身份特征和选民自身物质利益的影响。     

农村选民选举行为的结构特征

以云南省两个县八个自然村的 2 62名选民为被试 ,采用心理测量原理与技术探讨了农村选民选举行为的结构特征。结果表明 ,政见取向由“政策效应”、“民生意识”、“村民权益”和“监督机制”4个因素构成 ,非政见取向由“候选人身份”、“候选人德能”、“选民社会关系”、“候选人背景”、“选民自我利益”、“选民自我权利”和“政党意见”7个因素构成。经检验 ,由此构成的农村选举行为问卷具有较高的内部一致性 ,问卷项目具有较高的区分度。文章讨论了农村选民选举行为的结构特征及其意义。     

政治仪式中的权力宣展与合法性建构——中国社会变革与政治发展中的国庆大阅兵(1949-2009)

作为一种政治仪式,国庆大阅兵在中国60年来的社会生活中扮演着重要的角色.它一方面接受、反馈和记录来自于文化、制度和特殊历史事件等外部环境产生的政治影响,另一方面通过时间、空间、人员和器物等内部结构的精心安排,成为政治权力生产和再生产的重要装置,并在具体的操演过程中以身体控制、情感表达和仪式化等策略实现合法性的建构.同时,随着规模宏大、备受瞩目的国庆阅兵成为历史的一部分,其中蕴含的有关权力与合法性的政治信息被转化成为个人、群体和社会所共有的政治记忆,在塑造国家的政治文化、民族的政治认同以及国民的政治观念中发挥出不容忽视的作用.     

民主转型与政治暴力冲突的起落:以印尼为例

相较于"稳固时期的威权统治",民主转型初期常常是一个政治暴力风险上升的历史阶段。本文指出,尽管民主化同时蕴含暴力加剧和暴力缓解的逻辑机制,但在一个族群分裂的社会,由于民主化初期政治信任格外匮乏,其暴力加剧机制常常早于暴力缓解机制出现。那么,为什么即使在社会分裂的国家,转型期不同国家的暴力冲突水平仍然出现明显差异?即,为什么一些国家比另一些暴力冲突水平高得多?本研究聚焦于政治宽容这个因素,以此来解释多族群社会转型暴力水平的差异。在本文中,政治宽容包括大众文化和精英意识两个维度,并强调其相辅相成性。简单而言,政治宽容水平高的地方,暴力冲突水平低,反之则否。本文以印尼为例,对核心观点进行了论证与说明。     

探析权力之善——读《权力之善——社会主义政治权力善的探析》

在全面建设小康社会的奋斗目标指引下,我们应当如何紧扣我国的政治生活实际,从伦理学的视角来分析社会主义政治权力问题,提出相应的伦理对策,引导和规范权力向善,为建设社会主义政治文明服务?这是一项极富学术意义和实践意义的重大课题。近日,笔者有幸拜读了钱俊君博士撰写的《     

政治权力主客体关系的演变分析

政治权力的主客体的二元界定是研究政治现象的重要理论视角,在人类社会发展的不同历史时期,政治权力的主客体关系格局是一个不断发展的进程.本文结合马克思主义的权力观,通过分析政治权力主客体关系特性来考察政治权力主客体关系的演变过程.     

去势的阶级:民主巩固与新自由主义情景下韩国劳工政治的嬗变

韩国的政治转型动摇了压制性的劳工体制,而这曾是威权-发展型国家的一个制度"内核",极大地推动了劳工阶级化的进程,壮大了劳工运动的势力。然而在民主巩固与新自由主义主导的经济全球化情景下,韩国劳工运动很快失去了动能,公民权政治取代阶级政治成为社会政治的主导范式。韩国样本表明,劳工政治是结构化因素形塑的产物,政权属性与工业化形态对劳工政治走向有着重要影响。     

选举制度设计与民主发展——第三波民主国家选举非比例代表性的量化分析

选举制度设计是现代代议制民主的要件之一.本文通过大量样本分析,计算全球新兴民主国家中不同选举制度下的非比例代表性.数据表明,比例代表制相对多数制的确能有效降低选举中的非比例代表性.理论上,选举制度能通过影响选民的民主满意度、体制的稳定性以及选民的政治参与最终影响民主发展程度.文中的回归分析表明,高程度的非比例代表性是阻碍民主发展的一个重要变量.     

转型社会的权力再分配——对城市业主维权困境的解读

当前城市业主维权运动面临的共同困境表明,尽管转型时期的权力多极化趋势明显,但“自上而下”的国家主导型的权力再分配机制决定了当前权力分布的不对称和失衡状态,即国家-市场-社会之间的权力水平呈依次递减的格局。权力重塑的方向与市民社会发育的水平主要取决于国家在权力维续与权力让渡之间的权衡和取舍。     

黑格尔论自欺

黑格尔将集体主体描绘为:它从事着一种实践的、有目的的筹划、从事着为了完全的自我理解而跨时代的斗争。在那种尝试中,集体主体被其自我意识的一致性之中的一系列不一致性所驱动向前。这些断裂是实践矛盾的体现。只有在行动中才能发现动机的现实性。正是在这种实施中,自欺这种断裂才会显示自身。     

Collective Informed Consent and Decision Power

It has been suggested that, in addition to individual level decision-making, informed consent procedures could be used in collective decision-making too. One of the main criticisms directed at this suggestion concerns decision-making power. It is maintained that consent is a veto power concept and that, as such, it is not appropriate for collective decision-making. This paper examines this objection to collective informed consent. It argues that veto power informed consent can have some uses in the collective level and that when it is not appropriate the decision power a concerned party ought to have in connection with an arrangement should be made relative to the interest she has at stake in it. It concludes that the objection examined does not undermine collective informed consent.

The Antinomies of Collective Political Trauma: A Pre-Theory

Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin's assassination has less of a lasting impact on the Israeli public's political values, beliefs and attitudes than might have been anticipated from the magnitude of the event and intensity of the immediate responses. Why did the assassination have such a short-lived effect? This article considers the puzzle as a specific case of the broader phenomenon of collective political trauma and its consequences for values, beliefs and attitudes held by the mass public toward issues that it associates with the traumatic event. The article offers six deductively inferred hypotheses that describe, explain and link affective, cognitive and behavioral aspects of collectively experienced trauma. These hypotheses form a pre-theory explaining the perseverence of core political cognitions, even in the face of a considerable challenge to their validity and relevance.     

财产权批判的政治观念与历史方法

一、财产权问题的政治之维财富和财产权问题一直是西方学界的热点,近年来国内学界也开始予以关注。这是一个重要学术动向,因为现代社会是经济型社会,财富的生产及其占有既是这个社会的实体,也是它的首要目标。这决定了马克思历史唯物主义从经济角度对现代社会的批判性理解,需要在政治上落实于财产权问     

Acoustic Markers of Political Power

The effect of political power on acoustic variables was examined in three political speeches given by François Mitterrand at different periods of his career. F ₀ data were not found to reflect the extent of Mitterrand's power. On the other hand, temporal organization appeared to mirror the politician's distance from power. When Mitterrand was both a challenger and an opponent, articulation rate was more rapid, while in the two Presidential speeches, he showed a slower articulation rate, which seems to be a feature of power. The pause structure appeared to reflect the place of the politician within the social hierarchy in such a way that, the higher the status, the longer and the more frequent the pauses. There seems to be a balance between what is being said and what is left unsaid: Silence becomes a power symbol.     

Personal Political Salience: The Role of Personality in Collective Identity and Action

Personal political salience (PPS) is proposed as a personality characteristic that assesses individuals' linkage of political events with their personal identities. Its role in facilitating the development of politicized collective identity and action is examined. In four samples of midlife and activist women, we show that PPS was consistently related both to politicized gender identity and political participation. Further analyses show similar results for PPS, politicized racial identity, and political participation. Politicized gender identity mediated the relationship between PPS and women's rights activism, and politicized racial identity mediated the relationship between PPS and civil rights activism. PPS is demonstrated to independently predict political action and also to provide a personality link between group memberships, politicized collective identity, and political participation.     

Redeeming Apartheid's Legacy: Collective Guilt, Political Ideology, and Compensation

This paper reports two studies among white South African students on feelings of collective guilt about apartheid and attitudes to affirmative action. Study 1 reports on 21 in-depth interviews, Study 2 on results from 180 survey questionnaires. Substantial proportions of the participants in both studies displayed feelings of collective guilt. Among participants in both studies who identified strongly with white South Africans, some displayed strong feelings of collective guilt while others displayed no such feelings. Our survey data suggest that political ideology functions as a moderator. Strong feelings of guilt were found among students who identified strongly with white South Africans and defined themselves as liberals. If they defined themselves as conservatives then no feelings of collective guilt were observed. Strong feelings of collective guilt were accompanied by positive attitudes toward affirmative action. The influence of political ideology on attitudes toward affirmative action was mediated by collective guilt.