Phonology and orthography in reading aloud

This study investigated the orthographic and phonological contribution of visually masked primes to reading aloud in Dutch. Although there is a relatively clear mapping between the spelling and sound of words in Dutch, words starting with the letter c are ambiguous as to whether they begin with the phoneme /S/ (e.g., citroen, “lemon”) or with the phoneme /k/ (e.g., complot, “conspiracy”). Therefore, using words of this type, one can tease apart the contributions of orthographic and phonological activation in reading aloud. Dutch participants read aloud bisyllabic c-initial target words, which were preceded by visually masked, bisyllabic prime words that either shared the initial phoneme with the target (phonologically related) or the first grapheme (orthographically related) or both (phonologically and orthographically related). Unrelated primes did not share the first segment with the target. Response latencies in the phonologically related conditions were shorter than those in the unrelated condition. However, primes that were orthographically related did not speed up responses. One may conclude that the nature of the onset effect in reading aloud is phonological and not orthographic.     

Examining misses in reading aloud repeated words

This study examined a novel task in which participants read aloud passages shown two words per line on a computer screen. There were four different passages, all of which included unrelated sentences, with each sentence containing one test word. The passages differed only in the text type (prose, scrambled) and in the identity of the test word (the, one). The word the is a common function word, whereas one is a less common content word. The test word was repeated in half of the sentences at the end of one line and at the start of the following line. Many more misses in reading aloud occurred on the than on one, especially for prose passages; almost all misses involved repeated words. These results were interpreted in terms of hypotheses and models that have been proposed for the letter-detection task. Specifically, it is concluded that reading aloud is influenced by structural processes that differentiate between function and content words.     

Cross-language computational investigation of the length effect in reading aloud

The authors examined whether 2 computational models of reading, the dual-route cascaded model (M. Coltheart, K. Rastle, C. Perry, R. Langdon, & J. C. Ziegler, 2001) and the connectionist 2-layer model (M. Zorzi, G. Houghton, & B. Butterworth, 1998), were able to predict the pattern that the length effect found in reading aloud is larger in German than in English (J. C. Ziegler, C. Perry, A. M. Jacobs, & M. Braun, 2001). The results showed that the dual-route cascaded model, which uses a serial mechanism for assembling phonology, successfully predicted this cross-language difference. In contrast, the connectionist model of Zorzi et al. (1998) predicted the opposite: a larger length effect in English than in German. Both the success of one model and the failure of the other highlight fundamental differences between 2 major classes of computational models.     

Modulation of regularity and lexicality effects in reading aloud

We examined the question of whether the sizes of the regularity and lexicality effects in naming can be modulated as a function of filler type (nonwords or low-frequency exception words). The lexicality effect was larger in the exception word filler condition than in the nonword filler condition, but the size of the regularity effect was essentially unaffected by filler type. This pattern is at odds with what is generally assumed to be the predictions from dual-route theories of reading aloud. An attempt was next made to determine whether the dual-route cascaded model of Coltheart, Rastle, Perry, Langdon, and Ziegler (2001) could possibly simulate this pattern when changes were introduced to each of the three parameters that affect the contribution of the nonlexical route. We discuss the implications of these results for the idea that reliance on the lexical and nonlexical routes is under strategic control.     

On the role of set when reading aloud: A dissociation between prelexical and lexical processing

Two experiments investigated the role that mental set plays in reading aloud using the task choice procedure developed by Besner and Care [Besner, D., & Care, S. (2003). A paradigm for exploring what the mind does while deciding what it should do. Canadian Journal of Experimental Psychology, 57, 311–320]. Subjects were presented with a word, and asked to either read it aloud or decide whether it appeared in upper/lower case. Task information, in the form of a brief auditory cue, appeared 750 ms before the word, or at the same time as the word. Experiment 1 yielded evidence consistent with the claim that at least some pre-lexical processing can be carried out in parallel with decoding the task cue (the 0 SOA condition yielded a smaller contrast effect than the long SOA condition). Experiment 2 provided evidence that such processing is restricted to pre-lexical levels (the word frequency effect was equivalent at the 0 SOA and the long SOA). These data suggest that a task set is a necessary preliminary to lexical processing when reading aloud.     

The interaction of pronunciation rules and lexical representations in reading aloud

Two experiments examined the role of pronunciation rules and of lexical information in pronouncing letter strings. In Experiment 1, subjects pronounced pseudowords varying in the strength of the rules needed to pronounce them, as well as in the availability of a lexical model. In Experiment 2, the stimuli were words varying in rule strength and in usage frequency. The pronunciation times from both experiments displayed an interaction between rules and lexical information: When the rules necessary were strong, the relative availability of lexical information was less important than when the rules were weak. The results were discussed with respect to both traditional dual-process models of pronunciation and models proposing the use of lexical analogies.     

Lexical orthographic knowledge acquisition in adults: The whole-word visual processing impact

IntroductionOne of the most persistent difficulties in French written language acquisition is lexical orthographic memorization. Both theoretical models and behavioral studies have suggested that simultaneous visual processing of all the letters of a word could be important for the acquisition of its orthographic form.Main goalTwo experiments are conducted to test this whole-word visual processing hypothesis.MethodThe paradigm used in both experiments is a self-teaching paradigm in which adult participants had to read orthographically complex bisyllabic pseudowords in isolation. In one reading condition, all the letters of the item are available at once, in the other the first and second syllables are seen successively. After reading, participants had to spell under dictation and to recognize the written items.ResultsGlobally, the results showed that participants better recall the orthographic form of a word after having read it in the whole-word reading condition. The result of the recognition task, in the second experiment, was in line with the result of the spelling under dictation task.ConclusionThese results, although they should be interpreted with caution, are in line with the whole-word visual processing hypothesis. Applied consequences for orthographic learning and teaching, as for remediation of specific orthographic disabilities, are discussed.     

Contextual effects on reading aloud: evidence for pathway control

Recent evidence suggests that the processes responsible for generating a phonological code from print are flexible in skilled readers. An important goal, therefore, is to identify the conditions that lead to changes in how a phonological code is computed. Five experiments are reported that examine whether phonological processes change as predicted by the pathway control hypothesis when reading aloud words and nonwords. Changes in reading processes were assessed by measuring the effect of predictable switches between stimulus categories across trials. The results of the present experiments are argued to be consistent with the pathway control hypothesis.     

The effect of semantic ambiguity on reading aloud: A twist in the tale

Despite numerous studies investigating whether semantic representations are involved in the process of reading aloud, the issue remains controversial. While some studies report significant effects of semantic variables on this task (e.g., Fera, Joordens, Balota, Ferraro, & Besner, 1992; Strain, Patterson, & Seidenberg, 1995), other studies have highlighted possible problems with these studies (e.g., Borowsky & Masson, 1996; Monaghan & Ellis, 2002). The experiments reported here use semantic ambiguity as a marker for semantic involvement and confirm that semantic representations can indeed affect reading aloud, but that the size of semantic effects is influenced by the consistency of the words and the speed with which participants respond.     

Intention and performance when reading aloud: Context is everything

A widely held account asserts that single words are automatically identified in the absence of an intent to process them in the form of identifying a task set, and implementing it. We provide novel evidence that there is no fixed relation between intention and visual word identification. Subjects were randomly cued on a trial-by-trial basis as to whether to read aloud a single target word (Go) or not (No-go). When the Go-No Go probability was 50% (Experiment 1) the effect of stimulus quality (bright vs. dim targets) was the same size as in a separate block of 100% Go trials. In Experiment 2, where the Go-No Go probability was 80% in the cued condition, the stimulus quality effect was smaller than in the block of all Go trials. These results can be understood in terms of Go trial probability moderating whether subjects (i) hold off beginning to process the target until an intention in the form of a Task Set has been implemented, or (ii) begin to identify the target during the time taken to implement a Task Set. The additivity of stimulus quality and cueing conditions in Experiment 1 support the view that target processing only begins when a Task Set is in place, whereas the under-additivity of stimulus quality and cueing condition in Experiment 2 supports the interpretation that target identification can start during the time that a Task Set is being implemented. Taken together with other results, we conclude that there is no fixed relation between an intention and word identification; context is everything.     

Unstable ocular dominance and reading ability

An ocular anomaly, unstable ocular dominance, has been shown to be associated with poor reading performance in clinically selected subjects. A study is reported in which this anomaly was examined in a nonclinical sample. Two groups of children of similar reading performance and IQ but differing in chronological age were selected. The older children had a mean discrepancy between their reading and chronological age of 19 months. Unstable ocular dominance was more frequent in these poor readers. The hypothesis that this instability would lead to more errors and longer decision times for distinguishing left-right mirror-image figures was not supported. If unstable ocular dominance is to be established as anything other than a correlate of specific reading retardation, it is necessary to establish the processes through which it is operative. These have yet to be determined.     

Comparisons of complex sounds across extended retention intervals survives reading aloud

A simple experimental arrangement is designed to foil verbal rehearsal during an extended (from 5 to 30 s) retention interval across which participants attempt to discriminate two periodic complex sounds. Sounds have an abstract timbre that does not lend itself to verbal labeling, they differ across trials so that no 'standard' comparison stimulus is built up by the participants, and the spectral change to be discriminated is very slight and therefore does not shift the stimulus into a new verbal category. And, crucially, in one experimental condition, participants read aloud during most of the retention interval. Despite these precautions, performance is robust across the extended retention interval. The inference is that one form of auditory memory does not require verbal rehearsal. Nevertheless, modest forgetting occurred. Whatever form memory takes in this situation, it is not totally secure from disruption.     

Serial processing in reading aloud: no challenge for a parallel model

K. Rastle and M. Coltheart (1999) challenged parallel models of reading by showing that the cost of irregularity in low-frequency exception words was modulated by the position of the irregularity in the word. This position-of-irregularity effect was taken as strong evidence of serial processing in reading. This article refutes Rastle and Coltheart's theoretical conclusions in 3 ways: First, a parallel model, the connectionist dual process model (M. Zorzi, G. Houghton, & B. Butterworth, 1998b), produces a position-of-irregularity effect. Second, the supposed serial effect can be reduced to a position-specific grapheme-phoneme consistency effect. Third, the position-of-irregularity effect vanishes when the experimental data are reanalyzed using grapheme-phoneme consistency as the covariate. This demonstration has broader implications for studies aiming at adjudicating between models: Strong inferences should be avoided until the computational models are actually tested.     

Two distinct parsing stages in nonword reading aloud: Evidence from Russian

Word reading partly depends on the activation of sublexical letter clusters. Previous research has studied which types of letter clusters have psychological saliency, but less is known about cognitive mechanisms of letter string parsing. Here, we take advantage of the high degree of context-dependency of the Russian orthography to examine whether consonant–vowel (CV) clusters are treated as units in two stages of sublexical processing. In two experiments using a nonword reading task, we use two orthogonal manipulations: (a) insertion of a visual disruptor (#) to assess whether CV clusters are kept intact during the early visual parsing stage, and (b) presence of context-dependent grapheme–phoneme correspondences (GPCs; e.g., л[а] → /l/; л[я] → /l^j/), to assess whether CV clusters remain intact or are split during the print-to-speech conversion stage. The results suggest that although CV clusters are initially processed as perceptual units in the early visual parsing stage, letters and not CV clusters drive print-to-speech conversion.     

Semantic involvement in reading aloud: evidence from a nonword training study

The current research uses a novel methodology to examine the role of semantics in reading aloud. Participants were trained to read aloud 2 sets of novel words (i.e., nonwords such as bink): some with meanings (semantic) and some without (nonsemantic). A comparison of reading aloud performance between these 2 sets of novel words was used to provide an indicator of the importance of semantic information in reading aloud. In Experiment 1, in contrast to expectations, reading aloud performance was not better for novel words in the semantic condition. In Experiment 2, the training of novel words was modified to reflect more realistic steps of lexical acquisition: Reading aloud performance became faster and more accurate for novel words in the semantic condition, but only for novel words with inconsistent pronunciations. This semantic advantage for inconsistent novel words was again observed when a subset of participants from Experiment 2 was retested 6-12 months later (in Experiment 3). These findings provide support for a limited but significant role for semantics in the reading aloud process.     

Prosodic planning while reading aloud: On-line examination of Japanese sentences

In this paper, we discuss the process of generating prosody on-line while reading a sentence orally. We report results from two studies in which eye-voice span was measured while subjects read aloud. In study one, the average eye-voice span for simple texts was only about 2.5 characters. In study two, the eye-voice span was also about 2.5 characters even when the subjects read garden-path sentences which required reanalysis during processing. That the readers looked only a few characters ahead before reading aloud suggests that the prosody which they generate is not based on a global syntactic analysis, but instead reflects only limited, local syntactic information. The subjects, therefore, make errors and repairs when this locally determined prosody obviously contradicts the meaning of the sentence.Part of the research reported in this paper was done while the second author was an invited researcher at NTT Basic Research Labs, and the research was partially funded by grants from NSF (SBR-9357983) and NIMH (R29-MH-51655) to the second author. We thank Naotake Kanbe, Kazuhiko Kakehi, and Mary Beckman for their valuable comments.     

Age-of-acquisition effects in reading aloud: Tests of cumulative frequency and frequency trajectory

Several studies have reported that the age at which a word is learned affects skilled reading. This age-of-acquisition effect is potentially important for theories of reading and learning. The effect has been difficult to pin down, however, because the age at which a word is learned is correlated with many other lexical properties. Zevin and Seidenberg (2002) analyzed these phenomena, using connectionist models that distinguished between cumulative frequency (the total number of times a word is experienced) and frequency trajectory (the distribution of these experiences over time). The models prompted a reevaluation of the empirical literature on this topic. The present research tested and confirmed three behavioral predictions derived from these models. First, cumulative frequency has an impact on skilled word naming, more so than standard measures of frequency derived from such norms as those of Kucera and Francis (1967). Second, frequency trajectory affects age of acquisition: The timing of exposure to words affects how rapidly they are learned. However, frequency trajectory does not affect skilled reading aloud, because the consistencies in mapping between spelling and sound eventually wash out the effects of early differences in frequency of exposure. Thus, in skilled performance, the timing of exposure to words is less important than the amount of exposure. The results clarify the conditions under which age-dependent learning effects occur in reading aloud.     

Serial processing in reading aloud: reply to Zorzi (2000)

K. Rastle and M. Coltheart (1999; see also M. Coltheart & K. Rastle, 1994) reported data demonstrating that the cost of irregularity in reading aloud low-frequency exception words is modulated by the position of the irregularity in the word. They argued that these data implicated a serial process and falsified all models of reading aloud that operate solely in parallel, a conclusion that M. Zorzi (2000) challenged by successfully simulating the position of irregularity effect with such a model. Zorzi (2000) further claimed that a reanalysis of K. Rastle and M. Coltheart's (1999) data demonstrates sensitivity to grapheme-phoneme consistency (which he claimed was confounded across the position of irregularity manipulation) rather than the use of a serial process. Here, the authors argue that M. Zorzi's (2000) reanalyses were inappropriate and reassert that K. Rastle and M. Coltheart's (1999) findings are evidence for serial processing.